With the increase in the proportion of older adults in our country, the psychological problems of older adults have aroused the attention from academia and the whole society. Maintaining a high level of mental health is directly related to the overall welfare levels and living conditions of older adults. The scholars abroad have begun to explore the relationship between social participation, especially participation in commonweal activities, and mental health of older adults. However, in China participation in commonweal activities of older adults have not yet formed a broad and effective pattern. In this context, we attempt to study the impact of participation in commonweal activities of older adults on mental health, and hope to provide new ideas for the research on alleviating the pressure of aging population and achieving the happiness of older adults. By reviewing the related literature about participation in commonweal activities and mental health of older adults, we forwarded the theoretical model in which participation in commonweal activities could affect mental health, and hypothesized that participation in commonweal activities can highly improve the mental health of older adults and provide ″social compensation effect″ for vulnerable people. If vulnerable older adults participate in commonweal activities, they can get more benefit. On this basis, by using the data from Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) in 2005, we made an empirical analysis. First, we found that education, income, health and being a communist had a positive effect on participating in commonweal activities among older adults. Older adults with higher socioeconomic status were more likely to participate. Then we used the treatment-effect model which could control and eliminate sample selection bias to find how participation in commonweal activities influences mental health. We found participation in commonweal activities can highly improve the mental health of older adults. Older adults who participated in commonweal activities reported higher level of mental health. Finally, we chose health, income and education to measure the vulnerability of older adults, and used a treatment-effect model with interaction term to prove ″social compensation effect.″ The findings show that when older adults with poorer health, lower education and lower income participated in commonweal activities, their level of mental health could get more improvement. In other words, vulnerable older adults could get more benefit from participating in commonweal activities, which strongly prove ″social compensation effect.″ We combined participation in commonweal activities and mental health, which provided a useful supplement for the current research field of older adults. And we creatively found that participation in commonweal activities could provide ″social compensation effect″ for vulnerable people. Although there are challenges to recruiting vulnerable older adults to participate, their psychological problems should gain more attention from the whole society. Ignoring them would produce the Matthew effect. Thus, we suggest the whole society may encourage older adults, especially vulnerable older adults, to participate in commonweal activities.
Pro-birth policies are universal across the world, but the background and process of policy implementation and the effects of these policies can only be found in scattered individual studies, with a lack of systematic review and evaluation. In China, the introduction of these types of policies is mainly related to studies based on East Asian countries, especially the Republic of Korea and Japan. Studies on policies of the West are rarely seen in China, even though the analysis of the implementation, specific background and effects, are quite relevant to China's population policies in the future. This paper presents an analysis of the features, effects and influence of pro-family policies and offers experience for reference. Three types of family benefit systems are considered. Firstly, the paper describes the characteristics of cash-benefit policies including: removing social restrictions on recipients of benefit; easy to introduce and maintain; having an easily manageable direct moderating role; long history of practice in countries where they have been implemented; a general increase in allowances; and that policies are more targeted, for example, the cash-benefit policy for multi-child families is favored by most countries. Secondly, the paper also describes tax-benefit policies, which are characterized by being relatively difficult and complex to introduce and maintain, requiring sophisticated moderating which must be more targeted, and that this is a recent model. The final benefit system considered is maternity leave policies, which are widely used. They have the longest history of the models studied and provide the most complete system. They include parental leave for men but these policies are costly and have many restrictions. On the whole, the cash-benefit policies are conducive to promoting fertility among women. Their implementation results are subject to the amount of allowances, how well the parents are educated and their family income, birth order and macroeconomic factors. There are still no agreed conclusions on the role tax-benefit policies play in promoting fertility. However, it is understood that important factors include childbearing age, family income and level of education. Maternity leave policies have a positive, but small impact on fertility increase and are dependent on elements including family income and the role of women in the labor market. Recommendations for reference are as follows. From the perspective of financial incentives, the effectiveness of cash-benefit policies is connected with the degree to which they are implemented. That is, the more allowance, the greater the effect. The timing of introduction is also important. An early intervention leaves more room for adjustment of policy implementation and is more likely to be effective. Phased introductions may be considered. Cash-benefit policies can be adopted in the first phase, followed by tax policies and finally, maternity leave system can act as a supporting policy of the previous two. Policy complementarity wise, a cash-benefit policy often works with others. For instance, it adds baby bonus to maternity leave, which improves the effect of the policies in return. Policies must be finely designed. A good example is that by backing multi-child and bigger families and introducing maternity leave for men, policies will produce more targeted moderating effects.
In the protection of cultivated land, it is important to define the boundary between government and market to improve the performance of the cultivated land protection policies and realize coordination between food safety, new industrialization, and new urbanization with low economic and social costs. Yet, it remains controversial whether cultivated land protection should merely rely on government, or market, or the combination. In addition, it remains unknown what kind of institutional arrangements will generate higher policy performance. There is no unique optimal provision model for any public service, which depends on the nature of the item. According to the characteristics of production and consumption, food security can be divided into different hierarchies. The institutional arrangements for cultivated land protection should be made according to the different hierarchies of food security and their production and consumption characteristics. It is difficult to determine whether government or market is better to provide public services as the advantages and disadvantages of both maybe mutually transformed under certain conditions. This study investigates different hierarchies of food security hierarchy and relevant production and consumption characteristics. According to the nature of food security at each hierarchy, the study defines the rational boundary between government and market by considering the needs of control and efficiency. In addition, this study also examines the applicability of centralized and decentralized governance models in cultivated land protection, and then puts forward the management system of cultivated land protection at the concrete operation level. This system facilitates to realize comprehensive cultivated land protection in terms of quantity, quality, and ecology and reduce implementation cost of ensuring food security and cultivated land protection. Due to low demand elasticity and low supply elasticity of ration and grain in domestic and foreign markets, ensuring the absolute safety of ration and the basic self-sufficiency of grain at the first hierarchy obviously has the nature of public goods. Therefore, strict control should be placed on cultivated land for ration and grain security. The central government should convert the existing intimate relationship management model into the alienated relationship management model, allot high quality and pollution-free cultivated land into the permanent basic farmland protection zone. Close monitoring should be conducted to ensure the quality and ecology of cultivated land assigned to the permanent basic farmland protection zone. After allotting, incentive mechanisms should be used to stimulate the enthusiasm of the local governments and farmers to manage and maintain permanent basic farmland. Under these circumstances, the productivity of permanent basic farmland can be continuously improved to effectively protect the absolute safety of ration and the basic self-sufficiency of grain. After ensuring the absolute safety of ration and the basic self-sufficiency of grain, food (e.g., beans, potatoes) security has the nature of quasi-public goods. When protecting cultivated land for food security at the second hierarchy, market can be properly used to improve the efficiency of resource allocation. Through developing a unified national farmland development rights transfer(FDRT) market, local governments can purchase sufficient amount of cultivated land protection in such a FDRT market while improving land use efficiency. The efficiency and legitimacy mechanisms can therefore complement each other and then under the economic incentive, political promotion incentive and ″triple supervision (which means comprehensive supervision from procurator authority, government, and NPC Standing Committee),″ it is possible to truly realize the quality and ecology balance of farmland occupation and supplement with appropriate economic incentive, political promotion incentive and ″triple supervision.″ After ensuring food (beans, potatoes) security, agricultural product (vegetables, fruits, animal products, etc.) security at the third hierarchy has the nature of private good, whereas market can play a fundamental role according to their production and consumption characteristics. The cultivated land with poor quality grade and the marginal cultivated land can be converted into other agricultural land without restrictions. It should be noticed that conversion from agricultural land to construction land should still follow the existing regulations. If meeting requirements of land use planning, construction land should also be allocated based on the market. Such a practice can improve the land use efficiency and further reduce the burden of cultivated land protection. This mechanism is a useful supplement to FDRT market and help to realize food security and sustainable economic development at a low cost. The central government strictly controls the permanent basic farmland to protect a certain amount of high quality and pollution-free cultivated land. The local government utilizes the FDRT market to realize the quantity, quality and ecology balance of farmland occupation and supplement. Marginal land and construction land are allocated through market to improve efficiency. Governments at all levels and market complement each other to ensure the absolute safety of ration, basic self-sufficiency of grain, food security and effective supply of agricultural products at low economic and social costs.
With China's international status and influence being on the rise, Chinese language — a symbol of the peaceful national rise — has shouldered more responsibility of realizing the nation's ″going global″ strategy in recent years. However, Chinese journals face great challenges in disseminating Chinese culture and studies worldwide. Unlike English and many other Indo-European languages, Chinese language is the barrier to the comprehension of most non-Chinese native readers (NCNRs) even with a little knowledge of Chinese partly because of its grammar. Grammar is a set of rules governing the composition of clauses, phrases, and words through its grammatical relations in any given natural language. Every language has its own means to express grammatical relations in language use, overtly and covertly. Overt ones are explicit grammatical markers. For example, English and other Indo-European languages use inflection such as prefix, suffix or vowel change to express different grammatical meanings such as tense, case, voice, aspect, person, number, gender, and mood. Chinese language, however, lacks inflection and therefore its grammatical categories are not expressed by overt grammatical means. Developed from pictograph, every Chinese character has already carried semantic meaning. It is difficult to select a certain character to express a prefix or suffix without the interruption of its character meaning. Furthermore, a single character can function both as a content word and a function word. For example, in the Chinese sentence ″wo shì yīgèxìng kāifàng de rén,″ the character ″xìng″ can be both a content word meaning ″sex″ and a suffix meaning ″property.″ When ″xìng″ is stressed, it refers to the former (I am a person of sexual openness); when it is unstressed, it refers to the latter (I am an open-minded person). The ambiguity is partly due to the lack of space between gèxìngkāifàng in writing, though in speaking the use of stress could clarify the meaning. Without inflectional transformation, Chinese has to rely on particles (e.g. conjunctions, clause relatives and prepositions) and word order. However, the position of Chinese particles in a sentence as well as their emergence in a sentence is not grammatically required and usually can be omitted. Examples are portmanteau phrases and four-character phrases that frequently appear in Chinese language, in which particles are often omitted for the sake of rhythm and parallel structures. Their causal relations or transitional relations can be inferred from the context or their idiomatic meanings. The principles of constructing Chinese sentences and phrases are somewhat similar to the growth of a bamboo, going straight forward in the order of temporal and spatial relations or of importance, without any need for conjunctions and relatives. However, a long bamboo-type coordinate sentence composed of minor sentences and clauses enjoys lesser clear grammatical logic than a tree type English complex sentence since the punctuation marks like commas in a Chinese long sentence are used randomly. The place and the number of commas used by an author are determined by the topics, or his/her personal style or likes and dislikes instead of grammatical rules. Often the rhythm plays a more important role in separating clauses and phrases than semantic meaning. Word order in Chinese is indeed a useful grammatical means to express grammatical relations. In such sentences as ″lái kèrén le (Here comes a guest)″ and ″kèrén lái le″ (The guest is coming),″ by using different word orders, Chinese sentences can express a definite or indefinite meaning without articles like English ″a/the.″ Yet word order is constrained by topics and contexts in Chinese as evidenced by the sentence ″zhècháng dàhuo, xiāofángduì xìngkuī laíde jíshí (Literally: It is lucky that the fire, the fire brigade came on time; Real meaning: It is lucky that the fire brigade came on time despite the heavy fire.)″ whose subject seems insignificant. Any language should make full use of overt grammatical forms to facilitate readers' comprehension. For lack of sufficient grammatical forms, Chinese users may make more mental efforts because they have to infer the grammatical relations between words and sentences when they receive and decode a piece of information, which entails more cognitive burden in reading comprehension. This poses a daunting challenge to NCNRs as they lack the Chinese language and culture context. Therefore, an attempt to increase overt grammatical markers in Chinese to ease the cognitive burden on international readers may be worthwhile. Detailed suggestions are as follows: 1) introduce an English space between words to decrease ambiguities such as ″gèxìnkāifàng″; 2) discourage the use of ellipsis in sentences where particles like ″de″ and ″di″ which indicate parts of speech, and function words like conjunctions and relatives are critical to the comprehension of grammatical relations; 3) ban on such sentence/clause types as sentences with no subjects, inverted sentences, compressed sentences, run-on sentences, portmanteau phrases and four-character phrases, and 4) decrease the use of metaphorical expressions with Chinese cultural characteristics. Above all, it is urgent to study Chinese grammar in written forms so as to benefit the NCNRs to read Chinese academic journals.
To go international is now one of China's national guiding strategies for her academic publishing yet a hard nut to crack. Although the number of SCI cited articles written by Chinese writers has currently ranked second in the world since 2009, China's home-made journals are still scarcely enlisted among those with high impact factors and have played a literally negligible role in the world academia, for which China's academic publishers as well as related government officials have much been tormented. How to solve the problem is now a hot topic and attracts nation-wide attention. China's academic publishing has been developing for over 3 000 years, however, her internationalization process didn't virtually start until late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China when the western missionaries established journals and set up publishing houses inside China. After her first homemade academic journal National Medical Journal of China was founded in 1915, China began her endeavor to seek opportunity to speak out in the international arena of academic publishing and has experienced lots of ups and downs. The vicissitudes that China's academic publishing has come through are worth a systematic retrospect and a research in a deep-going way. This article, one of the research achievements of The National Funding Project 13BXW016, records the efforts that the publishers have made in presenting China's academic achievements to the world, and sums up what China's academic publishing has accomplished in gaining international recognition since late Qing Dynasty, by dividing the course into 5 periods and arranges them in a chronological order: (1) period of founding (1887-1949) when both the western missionaries and pioneer Chinese publishers created journals and established publishing houses; (2) period of alternation (1949-1965) from the day when People's Republic of China was founded until the eve of so called″the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution″. In this period newly established Chinese home-made academic journals were growing together with those left over from before 1949; (3) period of perseverance (1966-1976) when editors and publishers under-went harm and destruction but still stood fast in the havoc of the Cultural Revolution; (4) period of restoration (1978-2008) when China initiated the reform and opening-up policy and renewed her home-made academic publishing; (5) period of sustainable development (2009-) when most China's publishing houses have undertaken transformation and their publishing has generally been upgraded in technology and scale. Focusing on the right of speech, the article ends up with an emphasis on the voice of China's home-made academic publishing in the international academia by putting forward a proposal that measures should be taken to innovate the current evaluation system and to perfect the eco-environment of China's academic publishing in the internet era when China is developing along with the world at the same speed. To promote her level of internationalization, China's academic publishing should consciously abide by the internationally recognized practices and standards and be more confident in building up prestige in the World.
Under the influence of the Greek philosophical idea which stresses the direct opposition between ″freedom″ and ″necessity″ on the one hand and confuses ″freedom″ with ″chanciness″ on the other, Augustine holds that ″free-will″ could make people voluntarily seek good or do evil by chance. This viewpoint has a great impact on the dichotomical structure between ″free-will″ and ″determinism″ set up by the later mainstream of Western philosophy, and often misleads quite a few masters into drawing an absurd conclusion that doubts or even negates the real existence of free-will. In terms of the semantic identity of the word, ″will″ is both a noun and a verb. It contains analytically in itself the meaning of ″freedom″ as ″doing whatever one wants to do″ and thus forms the basic motivation for everyone to take action in order to acquire ″actual freedom″ in real life. Therefore, the existence of ″free-will″ as a simple fact of human life is undeniable, otherwise we have to negate the existence of the will itself as well as of the whole human life. If we introduce the concepts of ″good and evil″ into the discussion as Augustine does and define them respectively in the broadest senses of ″beneficial and desirable″ and ″harmful and detestable″, as many philosophers do, we may safely argue that, viewed from the perspectives both of semantic analysis and of factual description, it is not possible at all for ″free-will″ to voluntarily seek good or do evil by chance; rather, everyone's free-will always follows the inner logic of human nature so that one could only seek whatever is good for oneself and avoid whatever is evil for oneself. The popular viewpoint that ″free-will″ could make people voluntarily seek good or do evil by chance results mainly from people's distortion of the meta-axiological logic of human nature by their own normative standard of good and evil. When someone regards other persons' action taken according to their own normative standards as ″abnormally doing evil and rejecting good″ according to his/her own normative standard, virtually, he/she would totally deny the fact that other persons also have their own free-will of ″seeking whatever is good for themselves and avoiding whatever is evil for themselves.″ Indeed, people still inevitably meet some evils when they take action motivated by their free-will of seeking good and avoiding evil in real life. Nevertheless, the key reason for it is not that people voluntarily do evil motivated by their free-will, but is the so-called ″paradoxical structure of interweaving good and evil″ brought about by the conflict of diverse goods: people have to abandon the less important good in order to acquire the more important good in the conflict, and thereby necessarily and passively meet some evil resulting from the very abandonment. That is also why the actual freedom people obtain in real life is always limited and relative, not infinite and absolute. Therefore, we could explain the complex mechanism of how people achieve the actual freedom based on their free-will in the conflict of diverse goods only in virtue of the necessary logic of human nature of ″seeking good and avoiding evil.″
Eugene Minkowski is one of the prominent phenomenological psychiatrists in the 20th Century. His work remains to be inspiring to the contemporary psychiatry and philosophy. As mental diseases have become one of the most debilitating, costly and intractable diseases, Minkowski’s idea in phenomenological psychiatry and his clinical technique have not only a historical meaning, but also an important significance for practice. According to Minkowski, mental diseases are not isolated disorders of the brain, but abnormal modes of human’s being-in-the-world. Besides, I am not a brain, though my brain is an interface between me and world. Schizophrenia patients do not suffer from the loss of high mental abilities, but have excessive mental abilities. Minsowski discovered phenomenology in his medical studies. It was Henry Bergson and Max Scheler who first gave phenomenological thinking to Minkowski. He had considerable personal contact with Bergson while he was a doctor in France. When he was coping with melancholic patients, he found the distortion of patient’s sense of time. It was this discovery that showed him the relevance of phenomenology of time. This discovery also led to his first phenomenological study and one of his most influential book Lived Time. Moreover, Minkowski found that natural sciences not only detach themselves from the real origin of life, but also cover it. This philosophical insight coincided with Edmund Husserl's anti-naturalism. Therefore, he regarded phenomenology as the foremost method to explore mental diseases. Unlike most phenomenological psychiatrists (Ludwig Binswanger, Wolfgang Blankenburg, Medard Boss and others), he didn't cite Edmund Husserl and Martin Heidegger frequently. Binswanger devoted himself as a student of phenomenological philosophy, but Minkowski only regarded phenomenology as an inspiration of his medical practice and study. He developed phenomenology in his own style. In fact, Minkowski’s concepts and practice of phenomenology do offer us a closer contact with reality and show us how to do phenomenology. His phenomenology is a science of studying the essential phenomena of mental diseases. It is very close to Karl Jaspers' phenomenology, but a little far from Husserl's. Husserl's phenomenology focuses on the essential phenomena (possibility or construction of individual conscious experiences), but Minkowski's phenomenology focuses on the empirical phenomena, especially phenomena of mental diseases. Jaspers has developed his phenomenology in the first chapter of his General Psychopathology. To Minkowski, Jaspers’ phenomenology is not enough. Minkowski claimed that we needed essential analysis to grasp the basic trouble. One central concern of Minkowski is schizophrenia. He claims that the basic disorder of schizophrenia is the loss of vital contact with reality. This notion is not only influenced by Bergson's phenomenology, but also similar to Husserl’s philosophy of the live world and Heidegger's thought of being-in-the-world. A patient with schizophrenia is one who has been separated from the common world, so schizophrenia always appears as autism. The two forms of autism are rough autism and poor autism. Patients with rough autism have partial contact with reality, but illusion has taken the place of reality. In his opinion, it is poor autism that is the more original one. In poor autism caused by the decay of personal impulse, patients have lost contact with reality completely. The characteristics of poor autism are the interrogative attitude, morbid rationalism and the dominance of static and geometrical factors. Minkowski is not a phenomenologist in the theoretical sense, but really a phenomenologist in the practical sense. His studies of melancholia, schizophrenia and autism and so on go back to the phenomena of live experience. It coincides of Husserl’s motto “returning to facts” and philosophy of the live world. Minkowski’s phenomenology is not pure phenomenology but applied phenomenology. He has showed us how to convert phenomenology from theory to practice. Therefore, he is far from the texts of Husserl and Heidegger, but very close to their spirits. One of the most important problems raised by Minkowski is whether phenomenology can bring enough insight to the preconscious level where mental diseases arise. He holds that phenomenological intuition has access to this level. However, as Iso Kern has pointed out, phenomenological intuition can’t arrive at the deep conscious, while Yogacara Buddhism has much clearer and deeper understanding of the occurring and the conducts of the preconscious or the deep conscious than phenomenology. In the future development of phenomenological psychiatry, ideas from Yogacara Buddhism may have special values. We suggest that phenomenological psychiatry should be transformed into Yogacara psychiatry. The source of mental diseases is the deepest conscious, i.e. Alaya-consciousness.
Tang Shouqian, a famous ideologist in modern China, wrote Warnings in the 1880s. Warnings not only lays a foundation for Tang Shouqian’s status as a reform ideologist, but it also serves as a milestone in the history of Chinese modern thought. The academic community has studied Tang Shouqian and reform thoughts in modern China in line with the lithographic edition published in 1895. In fact, Warnings was republished again and again. Almost 10 versions of Warnings appeared within less than a decade, four of which were published by Tang Shouqian himself, or republished after his amendment. The table of contents and the system of Warnings, as well as their increase, decrease or revision, reflected Tang Shouqian’s reforming thoughts as well as his consideration of thhe social trends. The table of contents of the first block-printed edition was arranged in accordance with the thought of traditional learning, i.e., in line with the six political frameworks of personnel, revenue, rites, war, justice and public works. Nevertheless, the contents under old frameworks were new contents which reflected changes of that time as well as forward-looking thoughts and opinions on politics, military affairs and economic reforms. Tang Shouqian amended and supplemented Warnings three years later (in 1893), in which he reflected the hot topics that drew the attention of the academic circle before the First Sino-Japanese War as well as his overall understanding of the reform thought of “changing weapons and not changing ways”. Tang Shouqian increased or decreased the table of contents and adjusted the arrangement of the whole book to make it more concise, highlighting the reform opinions which reflected the trends of the time to a greater extent. The change of contents of Warnings reflects Tang Shouqian’s observation and consideration of the international situation, the trends of the times and the society as well as its development. In the manuscript edition of 1893, Tang Shouqian amended the contents of the 18 chapters in the first block-printed edition. He amended 32 chapters in the lithographic edition after the First Sino-Japanese War to different extents. The contents amended in the two editions mainly include the following three categories: the first category is error correction, i.e., correcting errors due to the limitations of objective conditions to provide solider factual basis for the treatise of Warnings. The second category is the author’s new knowledge, which enables the knowledge and thought in the book to keep pace with the trend of the times. The third category is the author’s improved thought and ideas as a result of his improvement in understanding the world, the society and things. The author put forward reform opinions which were more consistent with the times with regard to how to deal with international relations and reform.
Sending a diplomatic mission to the Ta Tsing Empire by the US was partly an aftermath of the First Anglo-Chinese War (AKA First Opium War, 1839-1842) and the events of signings of the Treaty of Nanking and the Supplementary Treaty. The US government intended to follow the trail of Great Britain to conclude a treaty of peace with China so as to enjoy, share or even broaden the mercantile interests and privileges which had been obtained by the Englishmen through waging a war against Ta Tsing Empire. Taking advantage of Ta Tsing Empire's precarious position, the first American mission to China arrived at Macau in February, 1844, when Commissioner Caleb Cushing, the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to China proposed to proceed to the city of Peking immediately to present his credentials to the August Emperor Taou Kwang and to negotiate with the officials concerning a treaty between the two countries. Confronting Cushing's coercion of possibly using military forces to wage a war against the Ta Tsing Empire exactly like Great Britain did and such an untimely request only one and a half years after the British government used its naval and gunnery power to defeat China, Ching Yutsai, the acting Governor General of Kwang Tung (Guangdong) and Kwang Se (Guangxi) of the Celestial Dynasty, tried his best to implement the emperor's expedient tactics and edicts to tenderly cherish men from afar and to prevent the US mission from going to Peking. Ching Yutsai managed to disillusion the mission to proceed to Peking by actively or passively sending and answering an array of public dispatches or Diplomatic Notes to the Commissioner Caleb Cushing. The confirmed 25 Diplomatic Notes found between the two sides, however, were full of conflicts, during which, for one reason or another, Ching Yutsai gave the opposing party many excuses that undermined the credibility of him and other Chinese high officials. Retrospectively, some incidents could be regarded as Ching's diplomatic faux pas including, among others, Ching Yutsai's first Diplomatic Note alleging that Cushing had stated in his public dispatch sent to him that ″the frigate Brandywine has gone to Manila to take in a full supply of provisions, and that, after about a month's delay, she may repair to Tien Tsin, etc.″ Such an allegation, surprisingly, was not from the Cushing's original note at all. Another example was related to the major changes and alterations made by Ching toward the copy of the Treaty of Nanking when Cushing asked for the original treaties concluded between Great Britain and the Ta Tsing Empire or between Portugal and the Ta Tsing Empire. Ching agreed to send the Chinese version of the Treaty of Nanking to Cushing but shortened the original 13 articles to 7 articles and no mention was made of the cession of Hong Kong. The original 3 articles about the payment of indemnities were reduced to only one article and the sum of the indemnities was changed to 3 million silver-dollars from 21 million silver-dollars. Even those 7 articles presented to Cushing were all abridged or altered. For example, he refused to use the word ″Great″ to address England. Such alterations incurred great dissatisfaction and distrust of Cushing and gave him a solid reason to quickly attack Ching and to make further negotiation hard for Keying. Consequently, to make sure the Chinese version of the Treaty of Wang-Hiya was a faithful copy, Cushing even had the characters of the original Chinese document numbered, and placed that number on record for remembrance and future observation. And Bridgman later back translated the Chinese version to English to make sure that the Chinese version was the equivalent of the English version of the Treaty. The Cushing mission perceived nearly all these problems and repeatedly counter-questioned Ching for explanations. To answer these examinations and make good cases for his mistakes, Ching chose either to keep mute or to excuse himself by blaming the translation for not being perspicuous. In addition, the translation of the Chinese phrase ″sanyue″(三月) into ″three months″ instead of ″March″ by the Chinese Secretary to Legation Peter Parker brought grave consequence to the talks between the two sides and nearly led to the breakdown of the negotiation. The conflicts and negotiations between the Ta Tsing Empire and the United States of America before the Treaty of Wang-Hiya were finally concluded were with intense dramatics. A deeper research of the history of this period using comparative textual and translation history studies on both English and Chinese versions of the very same historic event is beneficial for writing the very first page of the modern diplomatic history between the two countries.
The formation of a village community is a long evolutionary process, but it is not a historically linear one. Rather, it reflects a change of cultural values brought about by the transformation of the village's spatial fabric. Generally, the various spatial meanings of China's villages went through three phases of value: ″the ethical value of traditional culture,″ ″the symbolic value of the nation-state,″ and ″the modern value of urban civilization.″ The spatial meaning of traditional villages refers to fengshui and the ethics of local culture, which are considered to be ″spatial reflections of family ethics.″ In comparison, village planning in the process of China's New Rural Construction follows the logic of modernity construction that is based on urban civilization and demonstrates a power pattern of function, wealth and modernization. The primary issue in rural reconstruction is to reconsider who the subjects of reconstruction are among all the stakeholders. It is the villagers who should play a dominant role in the process of reconstructing rural society, because they are building their own hometown and not that of others. The self-awareness among the subjects as well as their behaviour and their values are the dynamic forces that restore rural society. However, the guidance of the government, the participation of both the intellectual elite and village construction experts are also indispensable. The key point is, firstly, to draw up a collaborative action plan among different stakeholders on the premise of respecting the villagers; secondly, in practice, to realize the reconstruction of cultural values and the spatial fabric of the village so as to rebuild a cultural ecological space. Nowadays, the mainstream village planning follows a developmentalist approach and is heavily influenced by the discipline of planning, which prioritizes practice and efficiency. As a result, the cultural ecology and spatial values that once existed in the villages often disappear under the impact of modernization and the market economy. Such ways of village planning have not only brought about standardized new villages but also destabilized traditional villages. The present paper is based on a ten-month ethnographic study of Linggen village in Zhejiang province. Through collection and analysis of local gazetteers, genealogies, notes, and in-depth interviews with villagers, officials from the local government, and village planners, this paper presents a comprehensive historical and cultural investigation of a village which was founded over 700 years ago, and explores its three kinds of village values: first, important historical figures, their former residences and corresponding historical narratives; second, metaphors and narratives of the ecological landscape and the human environment; third, the reinvention of traditional rural life. The case study of Linggen village shows that traditional dwelling spaces were embedded in the natural environment, which, together with the human settlements, led to an organic combination of the natural landscape and the human environment. This kind of arrangement reflects rural traditional culture, which guides a clan on how to choose a location for a residence and on how to expand its settlement, hereby realizing the ideal of living together as a lineage. The innovation of this paper is to interpret how to reproduce the cultural values of the village space in the context of village planning. By interpreting legendary stories of the first settlement, the Liwang Village, the paper connects intangible historical cultural resources with living memories of villagers. Moreover, it gives tangible cultural heritage such as residences, trails, wells, tea pavilions, and stonerollers distinctive spatial meanings with the aim of reproducing cultural spaces. Moreover, the paper critically reflects on today's village tourism. Village tourism in contemporary China often involves fabricated historical stories to mark the historical and cultural value of the tourist destination, but which turns the village space into a ″zoo of human beings,″ in which villagers become mere objects for the tourist gaze. More importantly, this reinvention of so-called historical stories and staged folklore cultures diminishes the aura of village culture, makes village tourism non-sustainable and brings about damage to traditional cultures. In the conclusion, the paper puts forward a practical model for village reconstruction, involving guidance by the local government, the emic perspectives of villagers, and the participation of experts, among which the emic perspective of villagers and their cultural consciousness is the most crucial aspect. The blind spots in the reconstruction of cultural values of villages is the preservation of elements of intangible culture, which are often neglected in preservation due to their specific qualities of being living transmissions, community-based, and practice-based. However, we need to be very cautious not to engage in a form of village reconstruction that is purely done by elites, with villages being considered as a testing field and villagers treated as objects for experiment. This will not only cause accidental social conflicts, but also erase the local character of the village community and lead to non-sustainable development.
The argumentation between parents and children is an important form of parent-child interaction. Arguments in parent-child discussions play an important role in the parent-child relationship and the healthy growth of the mind. As a verbal, social, and rational activity, argumentation aims at convincing a reasonable critic of the acceptability of a standpoint by putting forward a constellation of one or more propositions to justify this standpoint. In the 1970s, Frans van Eemeren and Rob Grootendorst put forward the ″Pragma-dialectics Theory″ based on the classic argumentation theory, logic, pragmatics, discourse analysis and other disciplines. Although the pragma-dialectics theory distinguishes between argument and standpoint as well as three major demonstration schemes: the sign, the analogy and the cause, it is still too general in concrete analysis. We argue that in the analysis of realistic argumentative discourses, Walton's argumentation scheme analysis has made up for the lack of pragmatic argument theory in his work on the proof of scheme details. Therefore, it is worthwhile to adopt the theoretical framework of pragmatic argumentation and take into consideration the resolution process of Walton's analysis of parent-child argumentation disagreements by using argumentation schemes to discuss the inherent characteristics of different argumentation schemes in the hope of providing constructive inspirations for creating a healthy parent-child argumentation atmosphere and improving children's reasoning capabilities In this paper, “take the baby seat”, a case of argumentation, is taken as an example and is reconstructed from the perspective of pragma-dialectics. We found that the mother used result argument scheme, choice argument scheme and authoritative argument scheme in resolving opinion disagreements. In the meantime, the mother also used multiple argumentation, coordinative argumentation and subordinate argumentation to provide solid proof for their children to ″take the baby seat or not.″ Nevertheless, the mother violated the rules for critical discussion which prevented the resolution of the difference of opinion and led to logical fallacies. The analysis makes up the insufficiency of argumentation analysis of pragma-dialectics, and is helpful in finding common argumentation schemes between parent-child argumentation and in making use of argumentation schemes to find fallacy, which lay the basis of analyzing parent-child argumentation through corpus analysis. Furthermore, under this research framework, we discovered an argument scheme which was not mentioned by Bova and other scholars through corpus analysis. This discovery has a certain significance in the field of parent-child argumentation. The study of parent-child argumentation enlightens us to pay more attention to parents' argumentation ability, children's rational reasoning ability as well as the importance of argumentation education. Many studies indicated that children's argumentation ability grows with age, so we should cultivate the argumentation ability from a young age. What's more, children acquire argumentation strategy mainly from their parents. As for parents, they should try to improve their own argumentation skills. For researchers, it is crucial to take children’s cognitive ability into consideration to develop a curriculum which suits children of all ages. The studies on parent-child argumentation should focus more on cultivating children's reasoning ability and promoting parents' argumentation skills.
Most of the previous studies on the city of Lin'an of the Southern Song Dynasty focused on its economy, social life and urban culture. As the de facto capital of the Southern Song government, the political side of Lin'an, nevertheless, failed to attract much attention from scholars. As an indispensable part of a capital city, the court yamen is more of an exterior embodiment of its political function. However, previous studies haven't offered sufficient discussion of the court yamen during the Southern Song Dynasty from the perspective of urban history. In view of this, the author therefore adopts sijian as the topic of the paper, and attempts to discuss how the Southern Song government strengthened the political function of Lin'an through the placement of sijian within the city. In the beginning years of the Southern Song Dynasty, the make-up of sijian underwent several changes as a result of the merging and restructuring of bureaucracies. It finally took shape in the earlier days of the reign of Xiaozong, with five si and three jian left: the former included Court of Imperial Sacrifices, Court of Imperial Clan, Court of Judicial Review, Court of National Granaries, and Court of Imperial Treasury, while the latter consisted of Directorate of Education, Directorate for Palace Buildings, and Directorate for Armaments. For the Southern Song government, the placement of administrative agencies like sijian within the city of Lin'an is one of the prerequisites for converting a local metropolis into a center of politics. Given the fact that there was not much space in the city and the topography there forbade the expansion of the city, the placement of sijian became a difficult task. As sijian did not belong to the top echelon of the administrative structure of the Southern Song government, high priority would not be given to it as regards the distribution of land. In consequence, there inevitably existed competition among sijian, other government agencies, and civilians for land use, which resulted in the frequent relocation of the yamens of sijian. Through extensive researches of various kinds of historical materials, we are able to get a clear picture of the many locations of sijian in Lin'an and their original functions. The number of relocations of sijian during the Southern Song Dynasty was unrivalled throughout China's dynastic rule. There was no need for the yamens of sijian, which were distinguished from the core administrative agencies, to be located close to the royal palace. Therefore the government could make flexible arrangements and adjustments in accordance with actual land use, which led to scattered distribution of yamens of sijian in the city. Due to the fact that yamens of all kinds in Lin'an were placed within existing urban space and the yamens of sijian were built upon the land that was previously used for other purposes, sometimes civilian buildings were located adjacent to them. With the ever-increasing population in Lin'an,the tensions between sijian and local residents grew, thus affecting the working environment of sijian. It was not uncommon for civilian buildings to be located too close to the yamens of sijian, and sometimes illegally built houses lay next to them. Factors like these not only interfered with the daily operations of sijian, but also increased fire risks. The government did take some measures to tackle such problems so as to alleviate the adverse effects the surroundings had on the yamens, but those measures were not effective enough. The tortuous path in the placement of sijian during the Southern Song Dynasty mirrors the history of conflicts and negotiations between the political functions of Lin'an and its urban space, and epitomizes the re-designing of urban space after it became the de facto capital of the Southern Song government.
Against the circumstances of Chuanxia, Jinghu and Guangxi prefectures in the Song Dynasty, the demarcation of regions and citizenship by the Song Court differed from other dynasties by one of its important bases on the demarcation of Shengdi. On the one hand, there have already been numerous research results in the academic circle about the study of the minority policy, Jimi area, etc. at the southwest frontier in the Song Dynasty; one the other hand, there have been no specialized researches on the demarcation of Shengdi and its subsequent relative policies till now. This paper classifies and analyzes the following issues: (a) the wording of Shengdi in the Song, as a special regional geographical concept, refers to the area under a stable jurisdiction by the Song Court’s prefecture or county. Shengdi was hardly applied to the large scale inner areas or to the borderland area with Liao, Xia and Jin. In contrast, it was usually applied to the area in the southwest frontier, like Chuanxia, Jinghu, and West Guangnan, differentiated from Jimi prefecture or county, and minority densely settled area. (b) The civilians in Shengdi mainly included the Han household and the Shu household. Shu payed tax as Han did, with the tax varying in certain areas. Both Shu and Han were accordingly administrated by its superior prefecture and county. Outside Shengdi, “Shu household” in related Jimi prefecture or tribe payed “Liangna”, i.e. symbolically paying tax or tribute so as to be subordinate to its superior prefecture or county. Some Shu household payed “dual tax” to the Song Court and its own tribe, so as to be “a dual household.” Outside Shengdi, the tribe areas with appointed economic relationship were defined as the Sheng boundary and the Sheng household. Since the expansion of boundary in the mid Northern Song Dynasty, many changed into Shengdi and Shu household. (c) The early Song Dynasty saw a development of 300 Jimi prefectures. They formed an “affiliation” with the Song governments through “paying tax or tribute”. The Jimi prefectures, where there lived the Sheng household and the Shu household, were administrated by “Shengdi”, its superior prefecture or county; in other words, Jimi prefecture did not belong to “Shengdi.” The stability in the frontier along Jimi prefecture lay a foundation for mutual exchange and trade. It was also important for the Song’s control over Jimi prefecture. In the Southern Song Dynasty, Jimi prefectures were much reduced in scale and number. However, in areas with Jimi system, the frontier distinction and policies were conducted as before. (d) Nevertheless, Shengdi in the frontier along Guangxi Prefecture was differently demarcated: the Qiyuan Prefecture, Guihua Prefecture and Shunan Prefecture (part of ancient Vietnam) were considered to be within the Song’s “Shengdi” domain, and accordingly, people living there were considered as “Shengmin.” The stable Jimi prefecture system ran through the Northern Song to the Southern Song Dynasty with nearly no change at all. The demarcation of Shengdi in the Song Dynasty served as a benchmark to differentiate areas and households in the frontier, and it was an important base for the application of diversified policies as well.
Shuowen Jiezi (Shuowen in short) by Xu Shen, a Confucian philologist of the Eastern Han Dynasty, is the first seal character dictionary in China, which systematically analyzed character patterns and examined the origin of characters. The original edition had 9,353 character entries, plus 1,163 graphic variants. As the dictionary was copied many times in hundreds of years, blend and omission were inevitable. Nearly 200 characters were blended in the edition revised by Xu Xuan in the early Song Dynasty. The character “轚” discussed in this paper is one of those blended characters. The identification and discrimination of the blended part — in this case in light of an enquiry into “轚” — cannot only restore Xu Shen's original text and promote the research into Shuowen Jiezi, but benefit philology, Confucianism and other relevant studies. Gu Yewang of the Liang Dynasty compiled a Chinese character dictionary Yu Pian based on Shuowen Jiezi. The original edition had long been lost, and the extant edition was adapted during the Tang and Song Dynasties. According to the original edition of Stray Fragments of Yu Pian discovered in Japan in the late Qing Dynasty, each character entry was evidenced by quotations from Shuowen Jiezi, but quotations for “轚” were from two Confucian classics, The Rites of Zhou and The Commentary of Guliang (Guliang Zhuan). This indicates that Gu's edition did not include “轚”. Zhuanli Wanxiang Mingyi compiled by the Japanese Buddhist scholar Kūkai (774-835), based on the original edition of Yu Pian, can provide further evidences. Based on the manuscripts of the rime dictionaries of the Tang and Five Dynasties unearthed in the sutra caves in Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, Qieyun by Lu Fayan in the Sui Dynasty did not include “轚”, while the character was supplemented in Wang Renxu's Kanmiu Buque Qieyun (Corrected and Supplemented Qieyun) merely based on The Commentary of Guliang annotated by Liu Zhao, but not on Shuowen Jiezi. This can corroborate Gu Yewang's Yu Pian, and also prove that Xu Shen's edition of Shuowen Jiezi did not include “轚”. The character “轚” must have been later blended in the edition that survived. Besides the The Rites of Zhou and The Commentary of Guliang, another Confucian classic Mao Poetry also has a variant version that used “轚”, while its current version used “击”. However, The Commentary of Guliang used “轚” while its variant version used “击”. “击” was used in other literature before the Eastern Han Dynasty for the meaning of “轚” in the extant edition of Shuowen Jiezi. This means that “击” (or “擊” in the traditional form) was used in the early version of Mao Poetry and The Commentary of Guliang, but the character “轚” was used later in the extant version in the place of “擊” with a radical change. In fact, “轚” in The Commentary of Guliang and The Rites of Zhou has been interpreted by scholars as “击”, the same as the “击” in the current version of Mao Poetry. It can be concluded that “轚” that appeared only in the three Confucian classics was supplemented by later generations, but not the character which Xu Shen would have witnessed. Therefore, it's not at all surprising that “轚” is not found in Shuowen Jiezi. Scholars have been misled by the extant edition of Shuowen Jiezi to take “击” in some literature as the borrowed character of “轚”.
Chinese firms are achieving great competitive advantage in global market by undertaking a series of outward foreign investments and exporting reliable products throughout the world. As a result, several prominent firms come under global spotlight. Although Chinese firms are trying to make the best of global market potentials, the institutional differences between foreign markets and domestic markets would cause uncertainties and risks, leading challenges to them when choosing appropriate international strategy, such as making decision in foreign market entry mode, establishment mode, and investment flow. However, due to different theoretical lens, context dissimilarity as well as the selective emphases of analysis in prior literature, there still exist mixed findings concerning the effects of institutional distance on entry mode choice. In order to address the impact of institutional distance on the choice of foreign entry mode, this paper used 772 foreign investment projects during the period from 2008 to 2012, which were undertaken by 280 Chinese listed firms. The data was obtained and refined from MOFCOM (Ministry of Commerce). After compiling the firm-level data from CSMAR (China Stock Market & Accounting Research Database) and country-level data from World Bank, ICRG (International Country Risk Guide), etc., we employed the logistic regression to examine the role of formal and informal institutional distance. The empirical findings show: (1) the larger the magnitude of formal institutional distance between home and host country, the more likelihood firm establishes wholly-owned subsidiary(WOS); however, the larger the magnitude of informal institutional distance, the more likelihood firm chooses to establish joint venture(JV) with local partners. (2) WhenChinse firms choose a host country with better institutional environment, the positive relationship between formal institutional distance and the choice of WOS will be enhanced. (3) When parent firm accumulates certain host country experience, the positive relationship between informal institutional distance and the choice of JV will be weakened. Based on above empirical results, this paper provides rich insights to prior literature. Firstly, we integrate the institution theory and transaction cost theory, delimitate different characteristics as well as the influencing mechanisms of formal and informal institutional distance on foreign entry mode choice, which offers solution to past inconsistent results. Secondly, we introduce the direction of formal institutional distance along with the magnitude dimension, and pay attention to the asymmetric institutional situations of host countries based on China as a reference point, which offers a better understanding of how institutional distance influence entry mode. In addition, we also consider the role of host country experience in the relationship between informal institutional distance and entry mode, and emphasize the significance of firm capabilities which could be learned and accumulated through past foreign operations.
Social organizations have always been taken as the key to adjust the government failure and market failure in the public services purchased by the government. On the other hand, scholars, represented by Salamon, also point out that the government intervention is needed in case of the potential voluntary failure of the social organizations. Anyhow, the norms of research and theoretical framework need to be verified by the actual social contexts to avoid conflicting statements from being supported by the same empirical evidence. In addition, the refinement and revision of theoretical framework should be based on the specific experiences from different countries. The investigations on 6 Government Purchase of Service Contracting (GPSC) cases in 5 different cities in China indicate that regional governments are not only incapable of completely solving the problems leading to ″voluntary failure″ but also make it more complicated. The findings are as follows: First, the major problem for social organizations as contractors is fund insufficiency. This hampers the social organizations from adopting a long-term scheme to achieve public goals and to improve themselves in terms of the unsustainable resource. Nevertheless, the fund for the government cooperative projects is usually fixed and stable i.e., the government does not provide extra support to the contractor for the process-based needs , meanwhile, the contractor could barely get any support from other channels. Second, in the process of carrying out a service project, service targets and contents designed by the contact risk being replaced due to the external changes, and in turn leading to a new particularism. It is difficult to be avoided for both government and the social organizations in the project planning stage since the original intentions of a specific public service are put forward with limited rationality by the two sides. Social organizations have to find a contingent strategy to operate the public service project when the objects of targets and measures in the contract are hard to be matched. Third, the behavior of governments in the service performance evaluation causes a new kind of patriarchal intervene. Namely, the quantitative assessment about the quality of service conducted by governments or the third-party agencies hired by the former, not the social organizations, substantially affect the final procedures and ways of service delivery. Fourth, due to the fuzzy administrative duties and obligations, governments are lack of motivation and institutional responsibility to supervise the quality of service. The cases indicate that the expected social benefits failed to be achieved through the activities dominated by social organizations in the cooperative framework constructed by government. In other words, Government controls the main financial and human resources of social organizations which are essential to the delivery of public service. Nevertheless, under the pressure of performance and achievement evaluation based on the institutional legitimacy, social organizations have to spend their limited resources and most of time to deal with the assessed paperwork. Although the paperwork holds potential benefits to the evaluation of government performance but usually deviate from the real goals of service itself. These assessments are mainly sponsored and supported by government, while the third-party agencies also need to follow the will of government to focus on the quantitative indicators whether or not to be qualified formally, not the real social benefits that have been increased by the public services. It may be probably a myth to just admit government can be effectively to solve the problem of voluntary failure, especially in the real context of China. In this paper, we try to show the re-failed interventions from government to social organizations and explain how these phenomenon come into being. We also try to modify the classic cognition and provide new insights about how government can effectively to solve the problem of voluntary failure in the social context of China. The government still maintains the characteristics of its own failure and hardly to help social organizations to avoid voluntary failure. Besides the expectation for the maturity and autonomous ability of social organizations, the profound reform of government itself should be regarded as a necessary precondition for achieving effective cooperation.
With the accelerating process of China's capital account liberalization, the deepening of the marketization of exchange rate reform and the advancement of the internationalization of the RMB, financial openness in China will be significantly improved in the future. The deepening of capital market openness will create the systematic conditions for the free flows of cross-border capital. However, short-term cross-border capital flows are highly mobile, speculative and destructive, which will exert a certain impact on the stability of the capital market. In this context, this paper analyzes the transmission mechanism of the impact of short-term cross-border capital flows on China's capital market stability based on theoretical analysis and empirical research, and thus constructs a macro-prudential regulatory framework for short-term cross-border capital flows management. According to the present situation of China's capital market liberalization and the financial market features, this paper first analyzes the transmission mechanism of the impact of short-term capital flows on capital market stability through direct channels and indirect channels (money supply, bank credit and exchange rate fluctuations). Then, this paper constructs a MS-VAR model to conduct an empirical analysis. The results of the empirical analysis indicate that: (1)Because China's capital and financial account is still under stringent regulation, the direct impulse effect of short-term cross-border capital flows on capital market stability is limited; (2)The money supply channel strongly influences the capital market stability while bank credit channel and exchange rate channel exert fewer influences; (3)By analyzing the filtering probability and smoothing probability of different regimes, this paper finds that the volatility of short-term cross-border capital flows, monetary liquidity, bank credit, exchange rate fluctuations, stock prices and other variables rapidly increase when impacted by the economic crisis, financial volatility and other external emergencies. These shocks also have a significant impact on the capital market and produce asymmetric effect. Finally, this paper constructs a regulatory framework for capital flows management from macro-prudential perspective, which further improves the macro-prudential supervisory system and helps prevent systemic financial risks and maintain China's financial market stability. The policy suggestions of macro-prudential regulatory framework for cross-border capital flows mainly include the following four aspects: (1)To give full play to the role of macroeconomic policy in short-term cross-border capital flows supervision. Based on empirical results, this paper proposes to speed up the interest rate liberalization reform, improve the transmission mechanism of monetary policy gradually, strengthen the supervision of bank credit abnormal changes, and deepen the reform of exchange rate marketization in order to provide a good policy environment for the financial opening; (2)To strengthen macro-prudential supervision for short-term cross-border capital flows. This paper suggests exploring diversified macro-prudential supervision instruments, replacing administrative management with market management, improving the short-term cross-border capital flows monitoring and early warning system, building a three-dimensional monitoring system for cross-border capital and utilizing the capital control tool effectively so as to prevent the panic of cross-border capital outflows; (3)To develop the financial market effectively and promote the structural reform of financial market. China should promote the coordination of several financial reforms. On the one hand, China should promote the development of securities markets and construct a multi-level capital market system to improve the breadth and depth of financial markets; On the other hand, China should strengthen the supervision of financial markets and improve the information disclosure system to protect the interests of investors; (4)To promote the financial liberalization strategy steadily. Financial openness should adapt to the current situation of China's economy, the development stage of capital market and the level of financial regulation. China should control the pace of the financial openness and promote the capital account liberalization, exchange rate marketization and the internationalization of RMB steadily so as to avoid the risk of cross-border capital flows and maintain the financial stability.
A new paradox in China is that on one hand, currency over-issue and deflation coexist. Currency has been over-issued, resulting in an M2/GDP ratio that is far above the normal level and ranks among the highest in the world. Thus, a traditional monetary theory would predict that the CPI and inflation would quickly increase. However, the CPI has decreased in the past few years. This paper attempts to explain this paradox by applying the theory of New Monetarism, a new monetary theory based on the search-match method. Unlike other monetary theories, New Monetarism studies the effects of financial friction on the macroeconomy within the search-match framework. State-owned enterprises usually have low productivity due to their principal-agent problem, thus more currencies (capital) are needed when producing the same number of products. Nevertheless, state-owned enterprises have close political connections with the government, so that they can easily get loans from banks. On the contrary, despite their high productivity, private-owned enterprises suffer more severe fiscal constraints due to their relatively small scales and high risks. Therefore, other things being equal, financial intermediates are more willing to lend money to state-owned enterprises. In the meantime, state-owned enterprises prefer to relend the money to private-owned enterprises because of the relatively higher productivity of the latter. Therefore, the resulting financial friction is the key to understanding the strange monetary phenomenon in China. When there is a weak financial friction, the returns on the relent money to private-owned enterprises are higher than those used by state-owned enterprises. Thus state-owned enterprises would increase their profit margins by lending the money to private-owned enterprises. As a consequence, CPI is likely to increase when the lending ratio increases. When there is a large financial friction, it is more profitable for state-owned enterprises to operate by themselves, rather than investing in private-owned enterprises. In this case, profit increase will be achieved when lending is decreased to private-owned enterprises. Investment returns will decrease due to financial friction if there is an increase in the lending ratio to state-owned enterprises. Under these circumstances, CPI will decrease. According to the above analysis, it is possible for monetary excess and currency deflation to exist simultaneously. As a result of the existence of the abnormal currency over-issue problem, the M2/GDP level is higher than that of any period in the past. In order to solve this problem, the government must redirect its effort to its own strategies and launch some new policies to change the structure of the industry. Otherwise, a large number of private-owned enterprises in China will go bankrupt due to a lack of liquidity, which is detrimental to the economic performance, as well as the social stability of China. The policy implications of this paper are listed as follows: First, revitalize the excess capital in state-owned enterprises and allocate it to private-owned enterprises. Second, actively promote deleveraging in society in order to prevent an asset bubble in the market. Third, improve market environment to help private-owned enterprises compete with state-owned enterprises.
The constitutive elements of ″Insider Reverse Piercing of the Corporate Veil (RVP-I)″ include three parts, namely, subject element, behavior element and consequence element. With respect to subject element, the subjects of RVP-I include subjects of right and subjects of liability. A subject of right could be the corporation itself or its individual shareholder(s) or a patent company; while a subject of liability refers to creditors of a corporation, whether they are voluntary or involuntary ones. With respect to behavior element, a shareholder must have conducted behaviors of excessive control over the corporation to be pierced if any subject of right intends to apply for the use of RVP-I. Such excessive control over the corporation shall be neutral and a sum of a series of factual behaviors. It shall not be out of subjective malice of any shareholder, who may seek illegal interests by taking advantages of corporate personality. Instead, such control should be conducted just for the convenience of corporate management and operation, or due to the close connection between the corporate operation and the daily life of the shareholder(s). Consequence element contains three sub-elements featuring a progressive relationship with each other as below: Firstly, the relationship between a shareholder and the corporation to be pierced has reached a de facto status in which the personalities of the two became completely identical in essence due to the shareholder's excessive control over the corporation. Secondly, some inequitable consequences against critical social policies or special legal rules (such as the loss of basic life dependences by a shareholder) will be caused by enforcement of a creditor's rights. Finally, the losses or adverse effects caused by RVP-I to a creditor of the corporation are less than the public interests which will be promoted by granting the corporation some legal privileges or immunities that can only be enjoyed by its shareholder(s). In this paper, the greatest innovation is the research object—the constitutive elements of RVP-I. In the existing research literature in China, it is nearly impossible to find any papers or books dedicated to an in-depth study on RVP-I. Under such conditions, this paper has made an attempt to study the constitutive elements of RVP-I. With rigorous studies and careful considerations, the traditional framework of analyzing the three elements (subject, behavior and consequence) is adopted in the paper to give a thorough study on the subject based on the principle of RVP-I and the rich judicial experiences of the United States. Another important innovation of this paper lies in the research methods-comparative law study. Faced with the lack of RVP-I precedents in China, we resorted to the numerous judicial precedents of the United States related to the subject, from the first supporting RVP-I case judged by the Supreme Court of Minnesota in 1985 to the latest series cases against the Secretary of the United States Department of Health & Human Services caused by the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of the Obama administration, with the purpose of summarizing the analysis thoughts of the US courts in applying the RVP-I principle. Meanwhile, we have studied a lot of related papers written by American scholars who have conducted in-depth researches on RVP-I and acted as a continuous source of inspiration and new ideas to us. This paper is not simply intended to introduce the objective conditions of the RVP-I practices or theoretical researches in the US, but to give an in-depth analysis on the constitutive elements of RVP-I in the hope of providing a reference to the establishment of the RVP-I principle in China.
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