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In the Japanese academic circle, it has long been believed that the word Hanzi was originated in Japan. The earliest example of the usage of Hanzi appeared in Japanese was Shogonjikkyo. Shogonjikkyo was written in 817 by Saichō, a Japanese monk who came to China (Tang Dynasty) as a short-term foreign student. No scholars from China or other countries have ever expressed any objection to the opinion that Hanzi was created by Japanese. In Concise Encyclopedia Britannica, Hanzi is spelt as Kanji according to its Japanese pronunciation instead of the Chinese way. However, it was not until Saichō returned to Japan from China that he began to use the word Hanzi, and the concept of Hanzi had already appeared in China's monk circle at that time. The earliest use of Hanzi ever discovered was as early as the beginning of the 8th century, in A Thousand Sanskrit Words by Yijing, a Chinese monk. Since Yijing used Hanzi more than 100 years earlier than Saichō, we conclude that Saichō used it by following Chinese usage rather than his own creation.  In the literature of Qin and Han Dynasties, the Chinese character was called ming, shu, wen, zi and so on. In the then dominant world view of separating hua(China and its civilized people) from yi(all foreign countries and their people with lower level of education), the Chinese character that represented the advanced civilization was unique. Therefore, it was unnecessary to use han for modification. Hence, there was no such usage as Hanzi.Then from Wei and Jin to Sui and Tang dynasties, with the development of Buddhist sutra translation, Chinese traditional Confucianism and Taoism had to face enormous challenge from Buddhist culture. Under the influence of Sanskrit, the foreignized Chinese characters had to give way to Sanskrit words. For those who regarded Sanskrit words as orthodoxy, using zialone was not enough to represent Chinese characters. Then the concept of Hanzi emerged, so as to distinguish them from Sanskrit words. Besides the concept of Hanzi which came into being in the background of Sanskrit-Chinese translation, there was also the concept of Hanzi in the context of the development and evolution of Chinese written words. Hong Shi of the Song Dynasty commented on The Tablet of Mount Baishi in his Li Shi, ″The inscription on this tablet is quite different from Han Dynasty calligraphy (Hanzi), and is all similar to the tablets of Wei and Jin dynasties.″ Here the word Hanzi referred to script of Han Dynasty, or more accurately, ″official script of the Han Dynasty,″ as opposed to cursive script, semi-cursive script, regular script, which came into vogue after Wei and Jin dynasties.  There are two major sources of Hanzi in the context of China. One is the ″official script of the Han Dynasty″ in calligraphic history, which matured in Han Dynasty and was held up as a model by later generations. And the other is ″Chinese characters″ or ″written words of China,″ which was distinguished from Sanskrit words during the process of Sanskrit-Chinese translation. When Chinese characters spread to the neighboring countries, Japan, Korea and other countries also germinated the concept of Hanzi. Take Japanese for example, Hanzi was originally used to define ″Chinese characters,″ and|when kana popped up, it also related to Japanese ″kokuji″ ( Chinese character imitation)|and after Western learning spread to the East in modern times, Hanzi was used in a general sense for ″eastern characters.″ Hanzi is used to refer to ″Chinese characters ″ or ″official script of the Han Dynasty,″ each limited to the particular field. From Han Dynasty to late Qing Dynasty, almost no scholars from the scholium circle ever used the term.″In the transitional period from ancient ming, shu, wen, zito modern ″Chinese characters,″ there is a link neglected, which is connected to Huang Zunxian, Liang Qichao, Wang Zhao and other cultural figures' efforts. They went to Japan in late Qing Dynasty and in the early period of the Republic of China, and brought back to China the concept of Hanzi in the system of Japanese writing system. They brought about a modern concept of ″Chinese characters.″

Drawing upon my earlier publications on the training， career， and judicial practice as well as governmental regulation of Qing private legal advisors （xingming and qiangu muyou）， this article explores how these private specialists produced， distributed， and controlled legal knowledge in late imperial China. By examining a large number of unpublished or ″secret″ manuscripts （muyou miben） and printed copies of legal treatises and handbooks from the 1600s through the early 1900s， this article shows that despite China’s early use of printing technology since many centuries before， hand-written manuscripts continued to play a crucial role in the production and circulation of legal knowledge in Qing China. In their everyday study and administration of law， many legal advisors developed the habit of adding useful notes， laws， or cases to their notebooks or personal copies of the Qing Code. A collection of such notes and documents after many years of legal practice would be highly valuable to other legal specialists and local administrators. By keeping these manuscripts confidential or available to only a small circle of relatives and students， Qing legal advisors could potentially increase the value of their legal expertise while reducing competition from those interested in acquiring such knowledge. Many of these legal treatises continued to be circulated in manuscript form throughout the Qing period （1644-1911）， but a number of them were also distributed widely in multiple printed editions. For purposes of illustration， this article investigates the fascinating and complicated stories of the nationwide circulation of some of the treatises by Qing legal advisors in both manuscript and print （see the few charts herein about Xie Chengjun’s Qiuyan Zhi and Bai Ruzhen’s Xingming Yide）． Given the benefit of keeping their manuscripts private， why would Qing legal advisors make them publicly available in print？ Doing so served a few purposes: （1） These publications were often printed at a late stage of the authors’ legal career and used to vindicate their reputation; （2） publishing their manuscripts helped fulfill the authors’ sense of social responsibility by teaching others how to properly administer law and justice; and （3） legal publishing was essential to establishing or maintaining their professional authority as well as offsetting the negative official portrayal of these specialists as corrupt or immoral. In other words， printing their manuscripts could considerably improve their public image and social status while showing that their expertise and service were indispensable to the normal operation of the Qing judicial system and local governments． Moreover， close examination of the paratexts （such as the titles， cover designs， prefaces， postfaces， and so on） of these legal publications shows that Qing legal advisors were very skilled at turning their expertise and social connections into cultural， economical， and political capital. When publishing their legal treatises， legal advisors would almost invariably ask their （former） employers or other senior officials they knew to write glowing prefaces or postfaces for their books. Some high-ranking officials also agreed to finance the printing or asked their subordinate officials to subscribe to the publications. Studying these paratexts thus unearths many overlooked rich details about the network of legal knowledge production， distribution， and commercialization. These paratexts also demonstrate that by the early 1700s， many Qing local officials had taken it for granted that regardless of their own experience and knowledge， they had to hire competent legal advisor（s） to help carry out their official duties. This article illustrates how their control over legal knowledge enabled Qing legal advisors to acquire and increase their ″invisible power″ in the Qing juridical field as the de facto decision-makers in administrative and legal matters in most Qing local governments．

This paper examines prefectural judges' legal knowledge during the Ming dynasty. Specifically, it studies the judges' preparation of legal knowledge prior to taking their offices and the avenues and mechanisms by which those judges obtained legal knowledge in their offices. Looking at the prefectural judges as a particular group, this work emphasizes the significant role the ″institution″ played in the judges' acquisition of legal knowledge. By way of tracing the official career experience of the Ming prefectural judges, this paper studies the mechanisms of judge selection, local judicial review (xiangyan) system, and the impact of gradual institutionalization of ″transferring to the offices of supervising secretaries and censors″(tuizhixingqu) at the central government after the mid-Ming on the prefectural judges' legal knowledge. Although the prefectural judges were special judicial officials at the local government offices, there were no special considerations and requirements for their legal credentials and expertise in the process of their recruitment and appointment. In other words, the selection system of the prefectural judges in the Ming did not provide effective mechanism to encourage candidates to master the legal knowledge before they took office. Nevertheless, while this system was not ideal, it did not lead to chaos in local judicial system, which, in large part, could be attributed to the strict local judicial review system. The judicial review system of the Ming required that prefectural judges were only authorized to judge cases involving beating with the light stick|any judgments of cases involving the penalties of beating with the heavy stick or above should be reported to superior offices for review, a procedure known as ″shenxiang.″ The officials at the provincial surveillance commissions and the regional inspectors were more equipped with special legal knowledge, and thus were in charge of the review. The judicial review system not only reduced the chances of judicial errors made by the young judges who lacked legal knowledge in adjudication, but, more importantly, provided important channels in the exchange of opinions through which the judges could gain actual legal knowledge. Meanwhile, the system of ″transferring to the offices of supervising secretaries and censors″ that became institutionalized after the mid-Ming created chances for the young prefectural judges who performed quality work to take important surveillance offices at the capital. Indeed, both the emphasis on the legal capacity during the process of ″transferring″ and the examination on their legal knowledge after the judges arrived at their new offices at the capital provided the judges with motivation mechanisms in obtaining and spreading legal knowledge.  In existing researches, scholars claimed that due to the fact that the judicial officials in the Ming dynasty - such as the prefectural judges - did not prepare themselves well in gaining sufficient legal knowledge prior to taking office, generally speaking, the officials in late imperial China did not possess adequate legal knowledge. In addition, scholars also asserted that the bureaucratic mechanism in the Ming and Qing periods was not capable of developing professional legal knowledge among officials, because there was no actual requirement for practical legal knowledge in the civil service examinations. Based on the study of the legal knowledge among the prefectural judges during the Ming, this paper illustrates that imperial officials took various paths in obtaining legal knowledge, and different official groups could develop different types of legal qualities at various levels. Therefore, the study of the legal knowledge of imperial officials should be more specific and careful. Likewise, the civil service examination was not the sole mechanism that affected the acquisition of legal knowledge by officials and other systems also existed. While the prefectural judges failed to obtain sufficient legal knowledge prior to taking office, they had received considerable on-the-job training. Motivated by the practice of ″transferring to the offices of supervising secretaries and censors,″ a large number of officials eventually became recognized censors who had equipped themselves with professional legal knowledge. Therefore, when we study what legal knowledge the late imperial officials acquired and what role institutions had played in ensuring the acquisition, we should pay more attention to their dynamics and processes.

There were numerous laws in the Qing Dynasty and they were updated frequently. The Qing court strictly required that all judicial officials judge major cases according to updated laws. Therefore, there was a great demand for the Great Qing Code and other law books among the Qing bureaucracy and the common people. Qing official publishing houses, however, did not provide enough usable law books to officials and private legal secretaries. In this context, commercially printed versions of the Code and other law books flourished and soon dominated the market, making up for the deficiency of imperial and official editions. Commercial publishers in the Jiangnan area actively participated in compiling, printing, and selling the Code and other law books. On the one hand, Jiangnan had a developed commercial publishing industry. There had been thriving commercial publishing business as well as numerous book stores in cities such as Suzhou, Nanjing, and Hangzhou since the Song and Ming dynasties. On the other hand, Jiangnan produced a large number of private legal secretaries, especially in Hangzhou and Shaoxing. Many literati went through years of legal training and became legal secretaries, assisting officials with administrative and legal works. These legal secretaries were true ″legal specialists,″ and many were familiar with the statutes and substatutes in the Code. They became editors, proofreaders, and readers of commercial editions of the Code. Of more than 100 different commercial editions of the Code printed in the Qing Dynasty, most were compiled by those legal secretaries and sold in the bookstores in Jiangnan. Influential legal secretaries, such as Wan Weihan and Wang Youhuai, participated in compiling and publishing the Code and a large number of law books.  Commercial legal books printed in Jiangnan were sold in various places in the Qing Empire and had a broad readership. Jiangnan commercial editions of the Code did not simply copy the imperial editions. They usually adopted the three-register-per-page printing format. Imperially promulgated laws were printed in the lower registers; private legal commentaries, model cases, and administrative sanctions were printed in the middle registers. A cross index was printed in the upper registers. Jiangnan commercial editions were updated in a timely fashion. They usually included newly-updated substatutes earlier than the imperial editions did. These commercial editions took the place of the imperial editions and became the most important reference books when officials studied laws and sentenced legal cases. Represented by ″Tongzuan jicheng,″ the commercial editions printed in Hangzhou were the best commercial editions in the Qing Dynasty. They were endorsed and recommended by many high-ranking officials and became the most authoritative and popular commercial editions. In the late Qing period, almost all commercial editions copied the ″Tongzuan jicheng″ editions of Hangzhou. Commercial publishers and private legal secretaries in Jiangnan challenged the Qing court’s monopoly in producing and circulating legal knowledge. The Code and other law books were available to more readers thanks to commercial legal publications. Commercial publishing industry in Jiangnan had a huge influence on the production and circulation of legal knowledge in the Qing Dynasty.

Human need is the motive power of social development. It is the object's function to satisfy human needs. Though the object's structure is the major reason to determine its function to a great extent, as to meeting human needs, function is more important than structure, because of human's subjective initiatives to create and to choose. Under most circumstances, it's wrong to declare only a particular structure can meet the needs, for there are other structures that can be the substitutions. Therefore, no social structure or system is so sacrosanct that it cannot be changed. The structure of socialism should also be determined by the socialist function. The advantage of socialism comes neither from any calculation formula nor fixed structures of human society, but its function to resolve serious problems in capitalist system, such as class polarization, economical crisis, etc. If one socialist structure can't make this, people may cast it away and seek another one. Thus, the function of socialism is clear while the structure of socialism can be different in different countries and under different conditions.  The classic writers of Marxism have expounded socialism on both its structures and functions. However, they pay more and more attention to socialist structures while less and less to its functions with the change of socialism from theory to practice. Excessive stresses on structure and its solidification in reality bring up much trouble to social development, until Deng Xiaoping points out socialist functions with special emphasis unprecedentedly，which lay a foundation for China's Reform and Opening Up policy. According to his theory of socialist essence，the function of common prosperity is the most important thing to socialism, while the structure of ownership is only the means to achieve it. Such theory helps those people who regard a particular structure as socialism itself to change their mind.  To achieve socialist function of common prosperity in the primary stage of socialism, the government, on behalf of the whole society's interest, must discard the wrong perception on socialism and reform the national governance system. First, the proportion of different ownerships should be adjusted much more flexible according to the actual demands, which will help those market participants to compete equally and fully to bring more productivity. At the same time, the gap of wealth must be controlled in the acceptable range to the public by means of redistribution and social insurance system. It is achieving common prosperity that can bring political stability and social harmony. Second, the government must fight legally and effectively against those anti-market factors, such as corruption, monopoly and heredity which lead to polarizations between the rich and the poor. Democracy, constitutionalism and republicanism may originate from the West, but are not exclusive to the West. Without the rule of the people and the rule by law, problems like rent-seeking and autocracy may never be solved. In modern times, the legitimacy of political power is mainly based on the people's authorization but not on the control of economy and culture. Authoritarian regimes throughout history always spare no effort to control social wealth and ideology, but can never prevent them from being overturned.

The diffusion of unethical behavior in groups often leads to ethical crisis， which causes huge damages to the group. Previous studies have made some achievements on the antecedent of its diffusion， but still have limitations. First， although individuals are embedded in the group internal social network， and the diffusion of unethical behavior is a kind of phenomenon in social networks， social network perspective has not got enough attention， and the research from this perspective is obviously insufficient. Second， most of the existing researches use static methods， which do not conform to the dynamic characteristics of unethical behavior diffusion. Third， in methodology， field study can’t fully reflect the dynamic evolution of social network， which also limits the efficiency of the study progress. Given these limitations， this paper aims to look into social network perspectives using computer simulation methods to explore how group social network’s characters influence the diffusion of unethical behaviors， aiming to expand the understanding of unethical behavior diffusion process. Our study will make up for the above three shortcomings， deepen the theoretical understanding on how social network characters influence the diffusion of unethical behaviors and also break the limitation of previous research methods. We use computer simulation method as the main tool. Computer simulation method has significant advantages in the study of complex， dynamic systems. Simulation software （such as NetLogo as we used） can simulate real dynamic world， allowing researchers to observe moving bodies interacting in the space， recording the changes of the attribute and macro system. Our results prove that group social network’s characters （the density and the strength of relationship） have a significant positive influence on unethical behavior diffusion. Concrete manifestations are: the density of relationship in group social network positively influences unethical behavior diffusion， the higher the density is， the more possible unethical behavior would diffuse in group; the strength of relationship in group social network positively influences unethical behavior diffusion， the higher the strength was， the more possible unethical behavior would diffuse in group. Furthermore， we also discuss how group characters （group size and group locus-of-control composition） would moderate such relations. We find that group size moderates the relationship between group social network and group unethical behavior diffusion， with a greater group size， the influence of density and strength of relationship on unethical behavior diffusion would be more significant. Meanwhile， group locus-of-control composition moderates the relationship between group social network and group unethical behavior diffusion， when there are more internal-control individuals in the group， the influence of density and strength of relationship on unethical behavior diffusion will be more significant. These findings claim the importance of social network in unethical behavior diffusion study. More importantly， the consideration of group size and group locus-of-control composition will promote the subsequent combination of social network features with individual， group characteristics and situational perspectives， and finally build a more considerate unethical behavior diffusion model. Besides， this study also confirms that the computer simulation method has its feasibility and advantage in organizational behavior field， which is a beneficial attempt in research methodology. Finally， the limitation of our study is discussed. Due to the lack of individual level attitude interaction and introducing realistic situation into our simulation， we still cannot simulate real world in the largest extent. We hope such shortcomings will be made up in the future researches．

In knowledge-based economy,technology licensing has become an important strategic tool for firms to gain sustainable competitive advantages. Licensing partner selection is an important part of the licensing decision. Almost all previous studies hypothesize that technology licensing contracts are signed between two independent firms， but in fact there are large numbers of technology licensing deals between two related firms， and this case is ignored by existing literature. This study focuses on the topic of licensing partner selection and examines the influences of licensors' technology structure on licensing partner selection.  Compared with previous studies， this study makes three contributions to the current literature. First， this study extends the technology licensing theory on the topic of selecting related firms as licensing partner. Second， this study analyzes the influences of licensors' technology depth and technology breadth on the decision of selecting licensing partner by introducing resource-based theory into technology licensing research. Third， this study explores the moderate effects of the technology characteristics， especially the role of number of technology which is seldom discussed by existing literature. With novel measurement of number of technology in the licensing contract， this study contributes to the empirical study of technology licensing. The results of empirical test indicate that technology depth has positive influences on selecting related firms as technology licensing partner， and technology breadth has negative influences on selecting related firms as technology licensing partner. These results partly support the traditional view that a firm with technology advantages should be active in licensing technology out. The findings reveal that technology licensing as a tool to transfer technology is more likely used by firms with greater technology depth， and as a tool to gain revenue and complement assets is more likely used by firms with greater technology breadth. Previous studies suggest that a firm should license mature technology out， and keep new technology for its own use. The results of this study indicate that the mature degree of technology can only strengthen the negative relationship between licensors technology breadth and the possibility of selecting related firm as licensing partner， and has no significant influence on relationship between technology depth and the possibility of selecting related firms as licensing partner. The results also indicate that the number of technology included in licensing contract can only weaken the positive relationship between technology depth and the possibility of selecting related firms as licensing partner， and has no significant influence on the relationship between technology breadth and the possibility of selecting related firm as licensing partner. Partly in line with previous studies， these findings reveal that a firm with greater technology breadth has stronger incentives to do active technological portfolio management， and a firm with greater technology depth has more concerns with technology spillover. This study also has some managerial implications for firms to do better licensing management. Only using patented technology data in analysis is one limitation of this research. Future researches will use nonpatent technology data to do further analysis．

Family planning policy implemented over 30 years has generated a lot of only-children in China， and it has become a hot issue. The government loosened its single-child policy to allow a parent who has an only-child in their family to have another baby in 2014. Definitely this change will have an impact on the size and structure of the only-children. Thus， it is worth studying and forecasting under the new policy， especially in the context of ″less younger children and more aging population，″ so as to provide the basic information for the policy-maker to develop one-child parents pension policies in China． Based on 1% national population sample survey in 2005 and census data in 2010， we estimate the multi-age marriage probability among couples of double only-children， single only-children and non-only children， by following the idea and method of parity progression to measure out different number of couples who will be allowed to give only-children， or second children under the new fertility policy， and based on the number of second children and the parity-specific births to adjust dynamically the attributes of only children or non-only children， and to estimate the number of age-sex-specific only-children． The results show that by the end of 2013， the number of only-children had reached about 218 million， of which 69.0% lived in cities or towns， and 31.0 % in rural areas. With the implementation of the new fertility policy in 2014， the number of only-children will continue to grow， and the long term trend of lower birth rate is immutable. The number of only-children will reach 303 million by 2050， but 45 million less than under the one-child policy， which means less of only-child risky families and a more harmonious family structure conducive to future pension protection.  The spatial distribution of only-children is heavier in our urban areas and eastern regions than other areas. There will be 303 million only-children in 2050， of which those in urban areas will account for 89.1% and the rural only-children for 10.9%. The only-children are mainly concentrated in the eastern China， followed by the Middle and West regions， and fewest in northeast China. However， the proportion of only-children in the eastern region will increase before decreasing， rise slowly in the Middle and West regions， and show a steady decline in the Northeast region. The disparity in provincial distribution of only-children is quite large， with over 10 million each existing in 12 provinces such as Jiangsu， Shandong but less than one million each in Tibet， Qinghai， and Hainan.  The age structure of the only-children is dominated by those under 40 years of age at present， among whom the proportion of children aged 0-14 will show a rapid decline before a stable situation， the young and prime adults aged 15-39 will show a slow increase before a quick decrease， while the old adults aged 40 and above will rise continuously. The only-children aged 40 years and above will gradually replace the young in 2040 as the main body of only-children. As they grow old， the risk of death will increase， and the proportion of one-child parents who lose their only-child will increase too. Since the pension of the parents of only-children and dead only-children will become serious challenges， we should be prepared to deal with their social security in advance． The fertility policy simulation technology is used here， together with marriage probability of multi-age difference between couples， parity progression ratio and dynamic adjustment of the characteristics of only-children. The provincial-level forecast of the number of only-children under new fertility policy is conducted for the first time to provide the size and age structure of the only-children on the national， regional and provincial levels， in urban and rural areas. It should be noted that the statistical standard of only-children as well as the data are forecast under the condition that the current fertility patterns are unchanged， and the death probability of only-children is the same as non-only children．

In order to identify the most critical issues for future leisure researches in China， a total of 28 Chinese leisure scholars participated in a workshop organized in October 2013 by the Beijing International Studies University， in collaboration with the University of Illinois （the United States）， and the University of Alberta （Canada） during Annual Meeting of China Leisure Studies. Data were obtained from 28Chinese leisure scholars using a sequential explanatory mixed methods approach， specifically in our case a survey of experts followed by a group discussion of the survey responses. The nine issues/topics that were identified by the Chinese experts included: time use， leisure and happiness/life satisfaction， public policy and planning， family leisure， needs and motivations， technological change， leisure space and resources， leisure education， and leisure and traditional culture. This list reflects the influence of Chinese culture， issues that are of particular importance to Chinese society in the second decade of the twenty first century， and practical considerations affecting the provision of leisure services in this country.

It has long been the core issue for planning, management, and marketing of tourism destination, to understand and forecast tourists’ travel motivations and demands. This issue has not been fully solved due to the multidimensional and dynamic nature of travel motivation. According to travel career pattern (TCP) theory, tourists’ travel motivation and demand characteristics will change, depending on their life cycle and the accumulation of travel experience. Furthermore, the curve of tourists’ psychographic variables will lead to the rise and fall of tourist destinations. For that reason, it can be hard to tell the tourists’ complicated needs statically with most of existing travel motivation theory. The aim of this study is to extend the research findings of existing motivation related studies and contribute to the solution of that issue by applying the dynamic point of view of travel career pattern (TCP) theory on the relationship of travel motivations, tourists’ age and past experience, and to enhance the sustainability of tourism destination development by integrating tourism products and services with tourists’ needs using the curve of tourists’ psychographic variables and destination rise and fall. It took about three months for data collecting. In total, 640 valid samples were collected from West Lake, Xixi Wetland, and three international youth hostels in Hangzhou. The data was analyzed by exploratory factor analysis, cluster analysis, discrimination analysis, independent sample t test, cross-tabulation, and multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA). The results show that the structure of fourteen underlined motivation factors is basically the same between Chinese tourists and the western counterparts, including nature, novelty, self-actualization, self-development or host-site involvement, relationship strengthening, self-development or personal development, escape/relaxation, stimulation, relationship /sense of security, isolation, autonomy, recognition, nostalgia, and romance. High and low experienced levels were classified based on the subjects’ age and travel experience. Significant differences were found between these two levels on novelty, escape/relaxation, and recognition. Thus, based on the initial findings of Chinese tourists’ travel career pattern, the cross-cultural adaptability of TCP theory was empirically supported, detailed motivational differences were also found between Eastern and Western travelers. After this, further analysis of the influence of tourists’ age and travel experience on travel motivation respectively revealed four more specific travel career patterns. A revised TCP decision model was then proposed in combination with tourists’ psychographic model, which could enable tourism destination managers to understand their target tourists’ demands efficiently based on their age and travel experience. And travel products and services that are suitable for the sustainability of tourism destination development can be secured accordingly.

Chinese news reports have led to a lot of criticism and controversy， the main causes of which include the contradiction between different interests, the various conflicts between moral values, and the complexity of social environment and news events. People began to question the old system of moral belief. The old professional norms have lost control of the press. But the new press ethics system is far from established. These conditions, of course, lead to double chaos of news reports and social evaluation of the news media. Therefore, it is necessary to explore a reasonable media ethics system that can fit the reality and win public recognition. Such studies must be built on ethical analysis of realistic events, and also take the realistic problems and universality of the theory into consideration.  ″The case of killing children in Nanping″ is a case in point. Based on its reports, people raise some fundamental questions: why do regular news reports like the case mentioned prompt such severe controversy and criticism? If not reported, the media have lost the value of existence! If reported, it will endanger people's lives because of ″following-suit″ effect. Are the media loyal to professional mission or to people's lives? Are there any reliable ethical principles people can conform to?  Through the preliminary analysis, we believe that there is some loyalty chaos in the reports and the criticism of ″the case in Nanping.″ Therefore, according to the Chinese news reports tradition and the needs of social solidarity, we can consider the reconstruction of Loyalty Ethics. First of all, confirm the primary ethical value of loyalty. Second, choose the current primary loyalty principle. Third, confirm the specific objects of loyalty and rank them. But further analysis shows that the above three principles are not sufficient, We also need to think about how to ensure the correctness of loyalty. Therefore, we can put forward the last and the most important principle: Loyalty to Justice. It is the soul of Loyal Ethics, which brings the direction and openness for loyalty. What is justice? Rawls's ″Two Justice Principles″ provide the important inspiration and basis. Therefore, we argue that the public loyalty is the highest form of loyalty in the news reports, and the basic connotation of public loyalty is the loyalty to justice. Such loyalty principle provide the adequate moral guidance for ″the case in Nanping″ and the current news reports. Therefore, the reports with too much emotion and repetition are deviation to the dominant loyalty of media. News should be carefully reported on the basis of justice and realistic conditions so as to reduce the ″following-suit″ effect to the minimum. Loyalty to Justice can also facilitate the better treatment to the justice of the minority group, such as the murderer and direct victim. The realistic news environment is diverse. Therefore, the choice under it becomes difficult. But only on the basis of social justice can the reporter's loyalty and professional conduct be kept in the right direction. And the pursuit of justice is also the main responsibility and value of the news media during the period of social transformation.

Sweatshops in developing countries have been highly condemned by consumers from developed countries. Corporate social responsibility movement and competition in the market have prompted more and more companies in developing countries to become a part of the labor certification of the supply chain. Since Labor standards which have been transplanted by means of trading platforms have had some impacts on the Chinese labor conditions and labor legal systems，the field investigation found that the impacts were still at the early stage. As buyers and sellers can not agree on product-related information under asymmetry information，labor standard is like a signal, which can determine the share and efficiency of both transactions through its transmission and screening. Based on the sellers-led market structure，this paper uses signal model to analyze situation of labor standards transplant in China. The study indicates that: （1）The level of suppliers’ labor standards tends to be minimum due to the results of Pareto improvement by the suppliers with their market forces；suppliers (or manufacturers)must bear the cost of signals while transmitting them, so there will be distribution of resources distorted compared to the original configuration. And as the recipients of signals，buyers screen signals on different posterior probability，and offer different prices according to recognition of the signals and form a self-confirmed multiple equilibrium. Rational suppliers who maximize individuals income under seller-led market structure adjust the equilibrium price signals to achieve Pareto optimality through the market mechanism step by step，thus showing a lower labor standard. Finally it leads to a fully-confirmed equilibrium，which is also more stable one. （2）If the distribution function of the companies types is sufficiently concave，labor standards will converge to the lowest point of equilibrium，not higher than the lowest one. When there are more companies with lower ability，pooling equilibrium of minimum standard will be produced. The companies with higher ability will choose to lower labor standards signals, which is the result of collective rationality. When the types of companies present concave function distribution, it means that the intensity of companies with low labor standards is so high that buyers can gain the lower average earnings. The final equilibrium tends to be the lowest point under the game of buyers and suppliers on circumstance of participation constraints. On one hand buyers can avoid taking the risks of getting negative expected returns，on the other hand there is a pooling and cooperative equilibrium at the lowest point among the companies. When the types of companies present convex function distribution, it means that intensity of companies with high labor standards is so high that the final equilibrium tends to be higher than the lowest one In the long run，the "new" returns brought about under the separating equilibrium tend to be higher than that under the lowest pooling equilibrium. Some companies in developing countries based on seller-led market should take advantage of the opportunities of labor standards transplant to improve labor conditions inherently，allowing labor standards signal to drive product quality for more acceptance of buyers and consumers so as to gain greater market forces.

With the development of clinical legal education, legal clinics have begun to highlight its value in “social justice,” in addition to its value as a practical legal education model. When it is combined with the concept of legal empowerment, a new type of legal clinic, namely the legal empowerment clinic emerged. This combination is a success because clinical legal education and legal empowerment share common goals and characteristics in certain aspects. With this combination, these two types of programs promote each other. On the one hand, legal empowerment inspires clinic legal education with new methodologies and themes; on the other hand, legal clinics provide legal empowerment programs with new approaches and resources. Hence the value of the legal empowerment clinic. As a new type of legal clinic, the concept of the legal empowerment clinic is not “lawyer for” clients, but “lawyer with” clients. The main characteristics of the legal empowerment clinic include: （1) recognition of the importance of alternative dispute resolutions and multiple ways to achieve social justice; （2) community-based approaches; and （3) encouragement of the participation of clients in the programs and legal empowerment for clients. The most important principles of the legal empowerment clinic are: （1) taking the interests of the students and clients of the clinic as the highest values, and keeping a balance between its educational function and social function; （2) focusing on the empowerment for clients and their communities by deciding topics and program designs from the perspective of legal empowerment, empowering the clients during service, and promoting the changes of policies and the social environment to achieve an equal standing for the client within the power structure. There are several activities which legal empowerment clinics can launch, including providing legal aid for individual clients, and engaging in community legal education, community-based paralegal training, community legal research and policy/legal advocacy. To improve legal empowerment clinics, we can monitor and evaluate the quality of their teaching and management, and the impact of the above activities by quantitative and/or qualitative methods. This paper discusses the legal empowerment clinic, a new issue in the fields of clinical legal education and legal empowerment. The research of this topic is of great significance to the development of China’s clinical legal education and legal aid as well as to the improvement of rights of vulnerable communities. The paper demonstrates a new type of legal clinic, namely legal empowerment clinic, and summarizes its characteristics and principles. It looks into the latest theories on legal empowerment and the practice of clinical legal education in China, and probes into the possible activities and the methods for monitoring and evaluating legal empowerment clinics. Finally, due to space limitations, this article only gives a general introduction of the monitoring and evaluating methods of legal empowerment clinics without expatiating on their procedures and tools.

Postcolonial theory is one of the most influential theories in cross-cultural studies. However, many scholars have gradually realized that although it offers a new and inspiring perspective, it is not entirely adequate to various phenomena in cross-cultural studies, especially in China-West studies. Orientalism and postcolonialism are theories centered on politics and ideology. Political criticism is both their strength and weakness, and may even be said to be its most glaring shortcoming, because political centrality may easily give rise to politicization of scholarship, turn scholarly criticism into political critique, and lead to culture wars between the right and the left, thereby hindering scholarship production and knowledge dissemination. For this reason, scholars in Chinese academia have proposed an alternative of ″Sinologism.″ Since its appearance, Sinologism has been reconceived and reconstructed by various scholars and evolved into a theoretical system, which, while drawing inspirations and insights from Orientalism and postcolonialism, differs significantly from both. It is a critical theory of self-conscious reflection, which has several main objectives. First, it does not prioritize exposing biases and prejudices against Chinese culture or rectifying distorted representations of Chinese civilization and misinterpretations of Chinese materials, but emphasizes revealing unconscious motives, attitudes, rationale and ideologies behind the surface phenomena of misreading and misrepresentations and finding the inner logic of those problems. Second, it focuses on the epistemological and methodological problems underlying Sinologistic approaches, with the aim to raise people's awareness of the cultural unconscious caused by self-colonization and other-colonization. In revealing how the cultural unconscious exerts its power in the context of globalization, we can explore the miscellaneous factors that have obstructed cultural exchanges and caused non-Western people's epistemic inertia and atrophy in original creativity. Third, it attempts to clarify a variety of scholarly issues in applying Orientalist and postcolonial theories to sinology and China studies. Last by not least, in view of the fact that existing academic paradigms are structured on Western-centric models and pseudo-scientific teleology, the theory of Sinologism hopes to initiate a viable paradigm shift in China-West studies and locate truly scientific methodologies of knowledge production. In a word, by reflecting on the political dimensions of postcolonial theory, we can explore how political and ideological criticism adversely affects the objectivity, neutrality, and fairness of scholarship, recognize the limits and limitations of postcolonial theory in cross-cultural studies, and understand why Sinologism is a viable alternative theory which may remedy the drawbacks, and promote cultural self-consciousness and academic originality and creativity.

Titles are an integral part of academic journal articles and are of great importance in new knowledge dissemination and scholarly communication in a disciplinary community. Recent years have witnessed an increasing attention given to the study of journal article titles mainly in the field of applied linguistics， focusing on the length， structural constructions and functions of article titles. Article titles from different academic disciplines were also compared in these studies. However， few studies of a comparative nature have reported on the differences of English titles to research articles published in international journals and Chinese language journals. The study reported in this paper aims to fill this research gap by examining English titles from these two types of journal articles in terms of structural constructions （including title length and punctuation marks）， functions embodied in titles and the underlying strategies authors pursue in their composing process. Using the constructs of interdiscursitivity and generic integrity in genre theory， the paper also attempts to probe into the societal and cultural motivation behind the author's composing process of article titles. The two specialized corpora for the study were constructed consisting of Chinese journal article English titles （CJAET） and international journal article English titles （IJAET）. All the titles were chosen from data-based research articles in three respective CSSCI and SSCI journals in the field of applied linguistics from the years 2009〖CD*2〗2013. There are 567 titles in CJAET and 439 titles in IJAET. A frequency analysis was performed on the structural constructions of titles. To examine discourse functions， a list of high frequency words which appear in titles was compiled using AntConc335w. With the help of the list， eight discourse functions of different preference in titles were identified， namely， they are indications of research subject， scope， methodology， purposes， findings， questions， perspectives and duration. The results of the analysis indicate that， while the titles in the two corpora share similarities， there exist distinctive differences. In the IJAET， international authors prefer to use more compound constructions and gerund forms in titles， emphasizing research questions， findings or subjects. The titles in the IJAET also reveal features of author individuality and linguistic variety in terms of structural constructions， which helps to demonstrate the author's attempt to promote research reported in the article proper. By contrast， in the CJAET， Chinese authors tend to use more mono-constructions and fixed nominal constructions in titles， highlighting research subjects and problems， and wasted words such as ″study，″ ″analysis″ or ″exploration″ abound in titles. The frequent use of these waste words in titles in the CJAET is attributed to the Chinese authors' endeavor to conform to ″formal equivalence，″ rather than ″functional equivalence″ when they translate titles from Chinese into English．〖JP〗 A journal article title can be viewed as a sub-genre text within a research article genre. Unlike the structural identity of the Swalesian ″CARS″ model realized by moves for the article introduction part， the article title has its own identifiable structural identity. In terms of language constructions， this structural identity of a title is not realized by moves， but by the key words summarizing the key aspects of the research reported in the article. These key words in forms of nominals or gerunds constitute titles in mono-constructions， compound constructions， questions or full sentence constructions. In terms of language functions， this structural identity highlights such elements as research subjects， findings and perspectives in which the author assumes that members of a target discourse community take a particular interest. Taking into consideration cross-cultural factors and the target audiences， we argue that， in converting Chinese titles into English， using English to write titles instead of translating is preferred. With intense competition among research institutions and universities， the quality and volume of published research have now become a yardstick against which the reputation of an institution is measured and issues concerning an individual scholar's rank， promotion and tenure are decided. In this socio cultural climate， how to compose an appropriate and appealing title to an article has become a crucial strategy for authors while writing up research because this may determine whether the article is accepted for publication or rejected， which is so closely related to the above mentioned benefits of various kinds. We maintain that critical genre analysis of journal article titles will help to shed new lights by providing new evidence in the study of journal article discourse.