|
|
|
| The Mutual Learning Between China and Foreign Civilizations along the Silk Road from the Han Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty |
| Zhao Dawang1, Liu Jinbao2 |
1.Department of History, Nanjing Normal University, Nanjing 210023, China
2.School of History, Zhejiang University, Hangzhou 310058, China |
|
|
|
|
Abstract The Silk Road was a path for the circulation of goods, and with the flow of people, it brought about cultural integration and mutual learning among different ethnic groups. The Han to Tang periods in China marked the peak of the Silk Road, and also represented the height of cultural exchanges and mutual learning between China and foreign civilizations. Since Zhang Qian’s mission to the Western Regions, which led to the opening of the Silk Road, there has been a continuous flow of people on this route. Envoys, merchants, and monks traveled incessantly between China and the Western Regions. Through the medium of the Silk Road, China conducted extensive exchanges of commodities, knowledge, and faith with countries along the route, including Central Asia, West Asia, and South Asia.China’s silk and silk technology, as well as iron casting techniques, were spread to Central Asia, West Asia, and even Europe, exerting significant influence on the social life and economic well-being of various countries. By absorbing China’s silk technology and iron casting craftsmanship, Persians also produced advanced products such as Persian brocade and damascened iron, which were introduced to China and had an impact there. This exemplifies the bidirectionality and mutual benefit of cultural exchanges. The products from the Western Regions that were introduced to China, such as grapes, alfalfa, pomegranates, walnuts, cucumbers, carrots, sesame, and other plants, as well as Western Region artifacts like the Hu bed, deeply penetrated Chinese society and influenced China’s dietary culture and lifestyle. In addition to the exchange of goods, India and Persia were also renowned for their knowledge in astronomy and medicine. From the Han Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty, China’s knowledge in astronomy and medicine was significantly influenced by India and Persia. For example, during the Southern Dynasties period under the Liu Song regime, He Chengtian, influenced by extraterritorial astronomy, compiled and promulgated the Yuanjia Calendar throughout the country. This calendar overcame some issues present in traditional Chinese astronomy and had a significant impact on the development of Chinese astronomy. During the Tang Dynasty, there were renowned “Three Astronomers from Tianzhu (India)”, among whom the most famous, Qutan Xida, authored the Kaiyuan Zhanjing, and translated the Indian Jiuzhi Calendar, introduced to China many astronomical and mathematical concepts that were not available in traditional Chinese astronomy. In the field of medicine, the “Four Great” theory of Indian medicine has had a significant impact on traditional Chinese medicine. In addition, the ophthalmology of India and Rome was also quite renowned in China.From the Han Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty, a variety of religious beliefs were introduced from the Western Regions and integrated with the local beliefs in China, promoting a transformation in the religious concepts and social ideologies of the Chinese people. Among these, Buddhism had the most significant impact. Additionally, religions from outside the region such as Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Nestorianism also merged with Chinese indigenous beliefs, forming a part of the medieval Chinese belief system. Taking Buddhism as an example, after being introduced to China in the late Eastern Han Dynasty, it reached its peak from the Wei and Jin Dynasties to the Tang Dynasty. In its efforts to spread more effectively in China, Buddhism intentionally leveraged the pre-existing Confucian and Taoist ideologies to help the Chinese understand Buddhist concepts. Although this approach might sometimes seem a bit far-fetched and not entirely precise, it nonetheless played a significant role in integrating Buddhist teachings with the local Chinese culture. Buddhist philosophy absorbed Confucian and Taoist ideas, leading to the formation of many distinctively Sinicized Buddhist schools that developed their own systems. These schools innovated in Buddhist theory, exerting a broad and profound influence on the development of Chinese thought. The Buddhist theories that had been transformed in China also influenced Indian Buddhism, a phenomenon referred to by Ji Xianlin as the “reverse flow” of Buddhism.In addition to Buddhism, the religions from the Western Regions that were introduced to China include Zoroastrianism, Nestorianism, and Manichaeism, collectively known as the “Three Foreign Religions”. Zoroastrianism was the belief of the Sogdian people in Central Asia. With a significant number of Sogdians engaging in trade or settling down in China, Zoroastrianism, as the primary faith of these Sogdian communities, became widely spread throughout the country. As the Sogdians got gradually integrated into Chinese society, Zoroastrianism also merged with indigenous Chinese beliefs. Some Zoroastrian rituals even penetrated deeply into Chinese society, becoming a part of local Chinese customs. Manichaeism and Nestorianism were both introduced to China during the Tang Dynasty. To achieve better missionary results, both Manichaean and Nestorian followers consciously borrowed thoughts from Buddhism and Taoism, in order to facilitate a better understanding and acceptance of their doctrines by the Chinese people. This missionary strategy exemplified the fusion of faiths and ideas along the Silk Road. The integration of multiple religions had a significant impact on Chinese social thought, religious beliefs, and folk activities, together forming an integral part of the historical and cultural heritage of the Chinese nation.
|
|
Received: 11 April 2024
|
|
|
|
1 司马迁：《史记》，北京：中华书局，1959年。
2 班固：《汉书》，北京：中华书局，1962年。
3 范晔：《后汉书》，北京：中华书局，1965年。
4 季羡林：《中印文化交流史》，北京：中国社会科学出版社，2008年。
5 林梅村：《楼兰新发现的东汉佉卢文考释》，《文物》1988年第8期，第67-70页。
6 王乐、赵丰：《从中国到罗马——帕尔米拉出土丝绸图案体现的艺术交流》，《艺术百家》2018年第5期，第195-202页。
7 法］戈岱司编：《希腊拉丁作家远东古文献辑录》，耿昇译，北京：中华书局，1987年。
8 余太山：《两汉魏晋南北朝正史西域传要注》上册，北京：商务印书馆，2013年。
9 德］夏德：《大秦国全录》，朱杰勤译，郑州：大象出版社，2009年。
10 张爽、薛海波：《丝路视域下拜占庭、中介民族与中国关系研究》，北京：中国社会科学出版社，2022年。
11 徐家玲：《拜占庭文明》，北京：人民出版社，2006年。
12 杨共乐：《早期丝绸之路探微》，北京：北京师范大学出版社，2011年。
13 伊朗］图拉吉·达利遥义：《萨珊波斯》，吴赟培译，北京：北京大学出版社，2021年。
14 国家文物局古文献研究室等编：《吐鲁番出土文书》第2册，北京：文物出版社，1981年。
15 魏徵：《隋书》，北京：中华书局，1973年。
16 徐时仪校注：《一切经音义三种校本合刊》（修订版），上海：上海古籍出版社，2012年。
17 日］池田温：《中国古代籍帐研究》，龚泽铣译，北京：中华书局，2007年。
18 李鸿宾：《隋唐五代诸问题研究》，北京：中央民族大学出版社，2006年。
19 魏全瑞：《三辅黄图校注》，何清谷校注，西安：三秦出版社，1995年。
20 刘昫等：《旧唐书》，北京：中华书局，1975年。
21 王溥：《唐会要》，上海：上海古籍出版社，2006年。
22 李吉甫：《元和郡县图志》，贺次君点校，北京：中华书局，1983年。
23 周庆基：《关于中国古代玻璃的几个问题》，《河北大学学报（哲学社会科学版）》1985年第8期，第83-87页。
24 魏收：《魏书》，北京：中华书局，1974年。
25 桓宽：《盐铁论校注》，王利器校注，北京：中华书局，1992年。
26 玄奘、辩机：《大唐西域记汇校》，范祥雍汇校，上海：上海古籍出版社，2018年。
27 英］A. A.麦唐纳：《印度文化史》，龙章译，上海：上海文化出版社，1989年。
28 阿拉伯］苏莱曼：《苏莱曼东游记》，刘半农、刘小蕙译，北京：华文出版社，2015年。
29 释僧祐：《出三藏记集》，苏晋仁、萧鍊子点校，北京：中华书局，1995年。
30 江晓原：《天学真原》，沈阳：辽宁教育出版社，2007年。
31 江晓原、钮卫星：《欧洲天文学东渐发微》，上海：上海书店出版社，2009年。
32 王钦若等编：《宋本册府元龟》，北京：中华书局，1989年。
33 欧阳修、宋祁：《新唐书》，北京：中华书局，1975年。
34 姜伯勤：《敦煌与波斯》，《敦煌研究》1990年第3期，第1-15页。
35 荣新江：《中古中国与外来文明》（修订版），北京：生活·读书·新知三联书店，2014年。
36 刘小斌、魏永明校注：《〈肘后备急方〉全本校注与研究》，广州：广东科技出版社，2018年。
37 李春深编著：《千金方》，天津：天津科学技术出版社，2017年。
38 汤用彤：《针灸·印度古医书》，见汤一介编选：《汤用彤选集》，天津：天津人民出版社，1995年，第331-338页。
39 义净：《南海寄归内法传校注》，王邦维校注，北京：中华书局，2020年。
40 杜环：《经行记》，见杨建新、张毅、周连宽等编注：《古西域行记十一种》，乌鲁木齐：新疆美术摄影出版社，2016年。
41 王焘：《外台秘要方》，高文铸校注，北京：华夏出版社，1993年。
42 周济：《我国传来印度眼科术史的考察》，《中华医学杂志》1936年第21期，第1060-1076页。
43 司马光：《资治通鉴》，北京：中华书局，1956年。
44 黄兰兰：《唐代秦鸣鹤为景医考》，《中山大学学报（社会科学版）》2002年第5期，第61-67页。
45 蓝琪主编：《中亚史》第一卷，北京：商务印书馆，2020年。
46 日］羽溪了谛：《西域之佛教》，贺昌群译，北京：商务印书馆，1999年。
47 梁启超：《中国佛教研究史》，上海：上海三联书店，1988年。
48 汤用彤：《汉魏两晋南北朝佛教史》，上海：上海人民出版社，2015年。
49 慧皎：《高僧传》，富世平点校，北京：中华书局，2023年。
50 洪修平：《儒佛道三教关系与隋唐佛教宗派》，见洪修平主编：《佛教文化研究》第一辑，南京：江苏人民出版社，2015年，第3-23页。
51 道宣：《续高僧传》，郭绍林点校，北京：中华书局，2014年。
52 赞宁：《宋高僧传》，范祥雍点校，北京：中华书局，2016年。
53 董诰等编：《全唐文》，北京：中华书局，1983年。
54 许序雅：《〈新唐书·西域传〉所记中亚宗教状况考辨》，《世界宗教研究》2002年第4期，第121-129页。
55 吐鲁番文书整理小组、新疆维吾尔自治区博物馆：《吐鲁番晋——唐墓葬出土文书概述》，《文物》1977年第3期，第21-29页。
56 张：《朝野佥载》，济南：山东人民出版社，2018年。
57 姜伯勤：《敦煌艺术宗教与礼乐文明》，北京：中国社会科学出版社，1996年。
58 日］池田温：《八世纪中叶敦煌的粟特人聚落》，见《唐研究论文选集》，孙晓林等译，北京：中国社会科学出版社，1999年，第3-67页。
59 马小鹤：《光明的使者——摩尼与摩尼教》，兰州：兰州大学出版社，2013年。
60 杜佑：《通典》，北京：中华书局，1988年。
61 芮传明：《唐代摩尼教传播过程辨析》，《史林》1998年第3期，第20-27页。
62 芮传明：《东方摩尼教研究》，上海：上海人民出版社，2009年。
63 马小鹤：《摩尼教的“光耀柱”和“卢舍那身”》，《世界宗教研究》2000年第4期，第104-113页。
64 刘屹：《唐代道教的“化胡”经说与“道本论”》，见荣新江编：《唐代宗教信仰与社会》，上海：上海辞书出版社，2003年，第84-124页。
65 林悟殊：《摩尼教及其东渐》，北京：中华书局，1987年。
66 路远：《景教与景教碑》，西安：西安出版社，2009年。
67 陈垣：《火祆教入中国考》，见《陈垣学术论文集》第一卷，北京：中华书局，1980年，第303-328页。
68 聂志军：《唐代景教的本土化策略——以词语释义为例》，《社会科学家》2010年第3期，第148-150页。
69 黄夏年：《景教与佛教关系之初探》，《世界宗教研究》1996年第1期，第83-90页。 |
|
|
|
2024, Vol. 54 
